The Bahamas in International Politics: Issues Arising for an Archipelago State

1974 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 131-152 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vaughan A. Lewis
Keyword(s):  
United Kingdom ◽  
Open Economy ◽  
International System ◽  
National Interest ◽  
The Other ◽  
Minimal Amount ◽  
The Bahamas ◽  
Sovereign State ◽  
Policy Makers ◽  
Independent States

The Commonwealth of the Bahama Islands entered the international system as a sovereign state on July 10, 1973. It did so by sponsorship, which is to say that as far as relations between the Bahamas and the imperial country (United Kingdom) are concerned, independence has been granted, rather than taken or seized, with a minimal amount of difficulty. The identification of various issue-areas related to the entry of the Commonwealth into the international system is one way of indicating the various components that have gone into making up the “national interest” of that country, at least in the perspective of the state's policy makers. More concretely, the peculiar problems arising from its character as an archipelago state with a relatively open economy, make the questions to be resolved before and immediately after independence perhaps more complex than those faced by the other independent states of the Commonwealth Caribbean that have acceded to full sovereignty in the last decade.

Four Perspectives on Terrorism: Where They Stand Depends on Where You Sit

2009 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 185-194
Author(s):  
Thomas J. Butko
Keyword(s):  
International System ◽  
Decisive Role ◽  
The United States ◽  
General Assumption ◽  
The Other ◽  
Terrorist Attacks ◽  
Constructivist Approach ◽  
National Interests ◽  
Policy Makers ◽  
Constructivist Perspective

The general assumption is that there is one objective and universally applicable conceptualization of ‘terrorism’. This position is especially prominent in the United States and other Western countries after the terrorist attacks of 9/11. Yet, despite such a view, it is possible to distinguish four specific perspectives or paradigms on terrorism: standard/mainstream, radical, relativist and constructivist. While the standard/mainstream approach remains dominant among academics, intelligence analysts and policy makers, the other positions have exhibited their own adherents. In the end, it will be argued that the constructivist perspective is the most accurate. Since ‘terrorism’ remains too contentious and disputed a term to achieve universal consensus, the constructivist approach has been the most effective in stressing the decisive role that parochial state and national interests perform in any conceptualization of ‘terrorism’, especially the strategic and security concerns of the dominant or hegemonic power(s) within the international system.

Analysis (Hans Morgenthau) to the concept of power and applied to the units of the international system

2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 138
Author(s):  
Saif Nasrat Tawfiq Al - Haramazi
Keyword(s):  
Applied Sciences ◽  
International System ◽  
The Other ◽  
Human Sciences ◽  
Basic Requirement ◽  
The Core ◽  
Hans Morgenthau

The theoretical curriculum in all disciplines is a basic requirement that nourishes the minds of the intellectual and cognitive recipients in the various scientific and cognitive stages. This is the framework that distinguishes the academic understanding of the anarchic, which is one of the most important and important keys in thinking and success in that jurisdiction or field, , Because it is unreasonable and logical to get into the core of any subject without searching and searching for its intellectual and historical bases to find out the reasons and reasons that surrounded this idea which was later recognized as an important contribution to the field of human sciences. Applied Sciences and other from the other side.

To Discriminate in Order to Fight Discrimination

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dolores Morondo Taramundi
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
United Kingdom ◽  
The Other ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
European Court ◽  
Main Technique ◽  
Antidiscrimination Law ◽  
The One ◽  
Paradoxical Results ◽  
Conflicts Of Rights

This chapter analyses arguments regarding conflicts of rights in the field of antidiscrimination law, which is a troublesome and less studied area of the growing literature on conflicts of rights. Through discussion of Ladele and McFarlane v. The United Kingdom, a case before the European Court of Human Rights, the chapter examines how the construction of this kind of controversy in terms of ‘competing rights’ or ‘conflicts of rights’ seems to produce paradoxical results. Assessment of these apparent difficulties leads the discussion in two different directions. On the one hand, some troubles come to light regarding the use of the conflict of rights frame itself in the field of antidiscrimination law, particularly in relation to the main technique (‘balancing of rights’) to solve them. On the other hand, some serious consequences of the conflict of rights frame on the development of the antidiscrimination theory of the ECtHR are unearthed.

scholarly journals The Limits of Arbitration Law in Addressing Cultural Diversity: The Example of Ismaili Arbitration in the United Kingdom

Laws ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 47
Author(s):  
Sandrine Brachotte
Keyword(s):  
United Kingdom ◽  
Cultural Studies ◽  
Cultural Diversity ◽  
Supreme Court ◽  
Legal Pluralism ◽  
The Other ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
Arbitration Clause ◽  
The Supreme Court ◽  
Employment Equality

This article studies religious arbitration from the perspective of global legal pluralism, which embraces both normative plurality and cultural diversity. In this context, the article considers that UK arbitration law regulates both commercial and religious arbitration while relying on a monist conception of arbitration. It further identifies two intertwined issues regarding cultural diversity, which find their source in this monist conception. Firstly, through the study of Jivraj v. Hashwani ([2011] UKSC 40), this article shows that the governance of religious arbitration may generate a conflict between arbitration law and equality law, the avoidance of which can require sacrificing the objectives of one or the other branch of law. The Jivraj case concerned an Ismaili arbitration clause, requiring that all arbitrators be Ismaili—a clause valid under arbitration law but potentially not under employment-equality law. To avoid such conflict, the Supreme Court reduced the scope of employment-equality law, thereby excluding self-employed persons. Secondly, based on cultural studies of law, this article shows that the conception of arbitration underlying UK arbitration law is ill-suited to make sense of Ismaili arbitration. In view of these two issues, this article argues that UK arbitration law acknowledges normative multiplicity but fails to embrace the cultural diversity entangled therewith.

scholarly journals “System Conditions”, System Failure, Structural Racism and Anti-Racism in the United Kingdom: Evidence from Education and Beyond

Societies ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 42
Author(s):  
Paul Miller
Keyword(s):  
United Kingdom ◽  
Education Sector ◽  
The Other ◽  
System Failure ◽  
Structural Racism ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Number Of Factors ◽  
The One

Racism in any society is fuelled by a number of factors, often acting independently of each other, or, at times, in concert with each other. On the one hand, anti-racism efforts rely on the alignment of four “system conditions” to stand a chance of successfully engaging and tackling racism. On the other hand, where these “system conditions” are not present, or where they are not in sync, this leads to “system failure”—a situation where racism is writ large in society and in the institutions therein, and where anti-racism efforts are severely hampered. Drawing on evidence from within the education sector and elsewhere in UK society, this paper examines how a lack of alignment between “system conditions” hampers antiracism efforts, and simultaneously reinforces racism in society and in institutions—leading to gridlock or “system failure” around anti-racism.

Managing to Avoid Innovation

1999 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 25-32 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. H. Vaux ◽  
M. P. S. F. Gomes ◽  
R. J. Grieve ◽  
S. W. Woolgar
Keyword(s):  
The Other ◽  
Advanced Technology ◽  
Manufacturing Companies ◽  
Small Companies ◽  
Small Company ◽  
The West ◽  
Policy Makers ◽  
Technology And Innovation ◽  
Company Culture ◽  
The One

This paper addresses differences in the way that the problems of small UK firms are construed by policy makers on the one hand, and by the executives of small companies on the other. The authors employ a discursively-based analysis of interviews carried out with managers of small manufacturing companies in the West London area. They suggest that SME executives construe their attitudes to advanced technology and innovation within the terms of some clear, but implicit management values which tend to lead to the perception of innovation as a risk to be managed, rather than an opportunity to be exploited. It is suggested this has significant implications for attempts to change small company culture.

Hosting annual international sporting events and tourism: Formula 1, golf or tennis?

2021 ◽  
pp. 135481662110290
Author(s):  
Bala Ramasamy ◽  
Howei Wu ◽  
Matthew Yeung
Keyword(s):  
United Kingdom ◽  
Economic Impact ◽  
Sporting Events ◽  
Policy Makers ◽  
Monthly Data ◽  
Mega Events ◽  
Sports Events ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
Mega Sports Events

Hosting sports events to attract international tourists is a common policy practised by many host governments. Hosting mega-sports events like the Olympics is said to leave a legacy that could impact the attractiveness of a country/city in the long term. However, the opportunity to host these mega-events is limited and expensive. This study considers the economic impact of hosting annual international sporting events, specifically the extent to which Formula 1, ATP Tennis and PGA Golf can attract international tourists. Using monthly data from 1998 to 2018, we show that the effect differs from one sport to another within a country and the same sport across countries. Hosting the Formula 1 is most effective for Canada but has no significant impact in Australia and the United Kingdom. ATP Tennis and PGA Golf have a significant impact on at least two countries. Policy-makers must consider carefully the sport that gives the best bang-for-the-buck.

Making the Soft Power Hard: Nepal’s Internal Ability in Safeguarding National Interest

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pitambar Bhandari ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Soft Power ◽  
National Interest ◽  
Policy Transfer ◽  
Power Sharing ◽  
The Other ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
Political Transitions ◽  
Technology Governance ◽  
External Threats ◽  
Soft Power Diplomacy

Abstract Soft power is an important instrument of foreign policy and a tool in safeguarding national interests. Under various regimes after the advent of democracy in 1950, Nepal has experienced a turbulent effect of international influence on technology, governance capability, policy transfer, labor migration and climatic affairs. In these contexts, traditional diplomatic effort based on persuasive bargaining requires an interest based practice which is complicated for the countries like Nepal where military power and economy are considered to be public goods rather than strategic base for the expansion of domestic policy making the other countries follow. Nepal creates an exemplary image in coping with the internal and external threats even during the major political transitions in 1950, 1990 and 2006. In all these power sharing mechanisms, the immunity that galvanized internal forces with minimum experience of indirect influence from the neighbouring countries shows that soft power values in Nepal became the major component for managing internal tensions and mitigating external interests. At one hand, the sources of soft power rests on ancient value system and on the other, Nepal celebrates new political system confronting the values earlier regime survived on. Political crisis before 2015 and the natural disaster after it plunged Nepal into a serious threat. During the time of crisis it is need and the value that functions compared to the interest. This paper posits a central question that how soft power became a variant during the war to peace transition from 2006 to the period of implementation of constitution stipulated in 2015 with the result of a stable government. The first part of the paper explores the dimensions of soft power in Nepal- both perceived and practiced- after Jana Aandolan II. The effectiveness of soft power in maintaining the geostrategic importance through a constant coupling of soft power diplomacy adopted and endorsed in Nepal by the external powers and Nepal’s own soft power standpoint will be analyzed in the second part of the paper. The last section of the paper analyzes the challenges for effective implementation of soft power diplomacy in meeting the national interest. Key words: Soft power, geo-strategic importance, national interest

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