The International Labor Organization of the League of Nations

1921 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 42-50
Author(s):  
Charles Noble Gregory

On October 29, 1919, the first annual meeting of the International Labor Conference opened at Washington, D. C. It convened pursuant to the invitation of the United States Government authorized by joint resolution of Congress in accordance with and under the provisions of the Versailles Peace Treaty and the League of Nations. The meeting was in some respects embarrassed by the fact that the League of Nations had not yet come into existence, but it nevertheless proceeded, doubtless on the theory that, in the present disjointed times, it is not inappropriate that the creature should precede the creator.

1951 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 242-243

There is given below a brief general statement of the type of treaty envisioned by the United States Government as proper to end the state of war with Japan. It is stressed that this statement is only suggestive and tentative, and does not commit the United States Government to the detailed content or wording of any future draft. It is expected that after there has been an opportunity to study this outline, there will be a series of informal discussions designed to elaborate on it and make clear any points which may be obscure at first glance.


Author(s):  
Elizabeth McKillen

This chapter examines the debate over U.S. membership in the League of Nations and the International Labor Organization (ILO) as the ILO founding conference took place in Washington, D.C., in November 1919. It considers the importance of the International Congress of Working Women and African Americans from Leftist groups in shaping the debate over the ILO in the United States. In particular, it explores how a unique confluence of class, diaspora, race, and isolationist politics in the United States drove many centrist labor and moderate Left groups to adopt “irreconcilable” or harshly reservationist positions on the question of U.S. participation in the League and ILO. It also discusses Republican Senator Robert LaFollette's attack on the ILO in Congress and suggests that the debate over the ILO is illustrative of the role of economic considerations and ideas about the racialized division of labor in shaping Congressional responses to Woodrow Wilson's foreign policy programs in 1919.


1935 ◽  
Vol 29 (5) ◽  
pp. 866-870 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul G. Steinbicker

When the United States last year became a member of the International Labor Organization, many people deplored the decision as being the first covert step toward full membership in the League of Nations. Those whose outlook was more sympathetic to international cooperation replied, in defense, that the Labor Organization is independent of the League, having its own buildings, its own separate organs, its own secretariat, and so on; that its membership is not identical with that of the League; and that therefore a state, by becoming a member of the Labor Organization assumed no connection whatever with the League.


1993 ◽  
Vol 60 (5) ◽  
pp. 911-918 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mike A. Henry ◽  
Esther E. Noiles ◽  
Dayong Gao ◽  
Peter Mazur ◽  
John K. Critser

1953 ◽  
Vol 7 (4) ◽  
pp. 570-576

The 36th session of the International Labor Conference was held in Geneva from June 4 to 25, 1953. Senator Irving M. Ives (United States, government delegate) was unanimously elected chairman.


1934 ◽  
Vol 28 (4) ◽  
pp. 677-683
Author(s):  
Frederick A. Middlebush

When the United States government, on January 7, 1932, and the Extraordinary Assembly of the League of Nations, on March 11, 1932, and again on February 24, 1933, invoked non-recognition as a sanction,1 the necessity at once arose of determining what would be the precise effects, as far as international relations are concerned, of withholding recognition of Manchukuo. It may seem strange that the decision to resort to non-recognition as a sanction was taken before an attempt was made to determine the practical effects of such action on the Far Eastern situation. Presumably, however, this must be the procedure in the application of international sanctions.


1932 ◽  
Vol 26 (3) ◽  
pp. 497-526 ◽  
Author(s):  
Clarence A. Berdahl

The Council of the League of Nations being commonly considered in the United States as the League's supreme organ, as the body which represents par excellence the League system and spirit, it would seem obvious that there should have been the greater hesitation, in view of our non-membership in the League and our official anti-League declarations, to have direct relations with it. Nevertheless, the record reveals that it has been impossible for the United States government to ignore the Council consistently, and that, as a matter of fact, official relationships of one kind or another have been occasionally entered into with that body also. These relationships have, in the first place, taken the form of direct correspondence between the Council and the United States, which has been carried on at intermittent periods and on various subjects, but which has involved every Administration, and which by this time amounts to a considerable volume.


1935 ◽  
Vol 29 (5) ◽  
pp. 870-871
Author(s):  
James A. Gathings

In 1934, Congress passed a joint resolution providing for American membership in the International Labor Organization which stated: “The President is hereby authorized to accept membership for the government of the United States in the International Labor Organization, which through its general conference of representatives of its members and through its International Labor Office, collects information concerning labor throughout the world and prepares conventions for the consideration of member governments with a view to improving conditions of labor.”


1951 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 243-245

On October 26 of this year, during his conversation with J. A. Malik, Mr. Dulles presented a memorandum on the question of the peace treaty with Japan, containing a brief general statement of the type of treaty that, in the opinion of the United States Government, would be suitable for ending the state of war with Japan. In this connection the Soviet Government would like to obtain an explanation on several points of this memorandum.


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