The Settlement of Mexican Claims Act of 1942

1943 ◽  
Vol 37 (2) ◽  
pp. 222-232 ◽  
Author(s):  
Herbert W. Briggs

With the enactment on December 19, 1942, of the misnamed “Settlement of Mexican Claims Act of 1942,” American nationals with claims based upon the international responsibility of Mexico for acts or omissions in contravention of international law appear likely to receive long-delayed satisfaction. Some of the claims are more than 60 years old. Awards were made by the United States-Mexican General Claims Commission in favor of some of the claimants more than 15 years ago, but to date no money has been paid to the beneficiaries of these awards. Various factors appear to have made this claims arbitration one of the most dilatory, inefficient, and unfortunate in our history. Claimants were notoriously lax in presenting evidence to the State Department, although in some cases they appear to have been hindered by the Mexican Government from obtaining necessary evidence in Mexico. The preambles to three conventions extending the life of the General Claims Commission allege that “it now appears” or “it has been found” that the Commission could not hear, examine, and decide the claims within the time limit fixed; but Judge Fred K. Nielsen, American Commissioner on that court, has pointed out with some vigor that it was not the Commission, so much as the failure of American counsel and the Department of State, to prepare cases for presentation to the Commission, which caused the delay and paucity of decisions. Resignations of Commissioners, protracted delays in replacing them, antagonisms between Commissioners, and lack of cooperation by the Mexican Government were other factors contributing to the 19-year delay in effecting a settlement.

Worldview ◽  
1978 ◽  
Vol 21 (9) ◽  
pp. 35-36
Author(s):  
Tinley Nyandak Akar

A few months ago President Carter's human rights stature took a dive when the Department of State rejected the requests of a group of American citizens to have “Tibet,” instead of China, listed as their birthplace on their U.S. passports. The decision came on the heels of an announcement that Zbigniew Brzezinski would be visiting China a few weeks later.Despite the president's repeated assertions about his impartial application of human rights to all nations, the administration has been silent when it comes to human rights violations by the People's Republic of China. Evidently Washington does not want to offend Peking and thus lets China dictate, at least indirectly, an internal policy decision of the United States. The action by the State Department regarding American citizens of Tibetan origin has carried this unequal application of human rights principles to an absurd degree.


2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 131-164
Author(s):  
A. A. Sidorov

Signing of the Japanese Instrument of Surrender on September 2, 1945 had formally ended the most destructive and bloody war in the history of mankind. Even before that a new balance of power on the international arena began to form, that would persist for almost half a century. At the same time, it was obvious from the outright that the Allies had very different views on how the post-war world order should look like. Traditionally, both Russian and foreign academic literature focused on their disputes regarding the German question. This paper provides a brief overview of the US Department of State planning and recommendation process for the post-war reconstruction of Japan in 1939–1945, which had eventually led to the formation of the socalled San Francisco subsystem of international relations. The first section of the paper outlines the challenges faced by the State Department when it came to planning the post-war architecture of the Far East. In that regard, the author pays particular attention to the staff shortage, which forced the Department of State to strengthen partnership with private research organizations and involve them in long-term planning.The author emphasizes that if before the United States entered the war the US planners adopted a rather tough stance on Japan, after the attack on Pearl Harbor their approaches paradoxically changed. The second section examines the contradictions and tensions between those politicians and experts who believed that in the establishment of the post-war order in the Far East the US should cooperate with China, and those who promoted rapprochement with Japan. These groups were unofficially referred to as the ‘Chinese team’ and the ‘Japanese crowd’ accordingly. The paper shows that as the end of the war approached, these contradictions gradually faded into the background. The needs to promote the interdepartmental cooperation and to reconcile the positions of the State Department, the Military and Naval Ministries on the future of Japan came to the fore. This work resulted in a series of memoranda, which laid the foundation for the US post-war policy towards Japan. In conclusion the author provides a general assessment of the strategic decision-making process in the United States during wartime and emphasizes its consistency, thoroughness and flexibility. As a result, it enabled the US to achieve what seemed impossible: to turn Japan from an ardent adversary of the United States in the Pacific into one of its most reliable allies, and it remains such today.


1962 ◽  
Vol 56 (3) ◽  
pp. 633-684 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard B. Bilder

As “house counsel” to the Department of State, the Office of the Legal Adviser exerts a major influence on the views and policies of the United States Government concerning matters of international law.


1998 ◽  
Vol 37 (2) ◽  
pp. 468-487

The United States agrees with the Commission that a statement of the law of state responsibility must provide guidance to states with respect to the following questions:When does an act of a state entail international responsibility? What actions are attributable to the state? What consequences flow from a state'sviolation of its international responsibility? Customary international law provides answers to these questions, but the Commission has in many instances not codified such norms but rather proposed new substantive rules. In particular, the sections on countermeasures, crimes, dispute settlement, and state injury contain provisions that are not supported by customary international law.


1987 ◽  
Vol 81 (1) ◽  
pp. 236-236

The Department of State has revived its former practice of constituting an Advisory Committee on International Law. Appointed by the Legal Adviser, Abraham D. Sofaer, the committee is intended to provide the Department with a means of obtaining the advice and views of the United States legal profession on questions of public international law.


1971 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 151-172 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kenneth J. Grieb

The militarycoup d'étatwhich installed General Maximiliano Hernández Martínez as President of El Salvador during December 1931 created a crisis involving the 1923 Washington Treaties. By the terms of these accords, the Central American nadons had pledged to withhold recognition from governments seizing power through force in any of the isthmian republics. Although not a signatory of the treaty, the United States based its recognition policy on this principle. Through this means the State Department had attempted to impose some stability in Central America, by discouraging revolts. With the co-operation of the isthmian governments, United States diplomats endeavored to bring pressure to bear on the leaders of any uprising, to deny them the fruits of their victory, and thus reduce the constant series ofcoupsandcounter-coupsthat normally characterized Central American politics.


1969 ◽  
Vol 63 (2) ◽  
pp. 312-336

The material for this section is compiled by Stephen L. Gibson, attorney in the Office of the Legal Adviser, Department of State. Jerome H. Silber, of the Office of the General Counsel, Department of Defense, has provided material originating in that Department.


2006 ◽  
Vol 32 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Tania Quintaneiro

Durante a Segunda Guerra Mundial, os Estados Unidos valeram-se das Listas Negras para eliminar as redes comerciais e as empresas vinculadas aos países do Eixo que atuavam nas repúblicas americanas. Este artigo analisa a política de guerra econômica aplicada no Brasil, especificamente com relação às cooperativas dos imigrantes japoneses, e a estratégia do governo Vargas para lidar com as pressões exercidas pelas autoridades do Departamento de Estado norte-americano. Abstract During World War II, the United States used the Proclaimed List of Certain Blocked Nationals as an instrument to eliminate the commercial networks and the companies associated to Axis countries operating in the American Republics. This article analyses the policy of economic warfare applied in Brazil, specifically in relation to the cooperatives of Japanese immigrants and the strategy of the Vargas government to deal with the pressures exercised by the State Department. Palavras-chave: Brasil. Imigrantes japoneses. Listas Negras. Key words: Brazil. Japanese immigrants. Proclaimed Lists.


1997 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 71-74

Good afternoon. I am very pleased to welcome Vice Premier Qian Qichen to the State Department. We are meeting again, so soon after my February trip to Beijing, and I think that that indicates the high importance that the United States and China attach to our bilateral relationship.


2021 ◽  
pp. 199-208
Author(s):  
Brian Masaru Hayashi

Each of the three Asian American suspects were considered and then dismissed as the Trojan Horse within the OSS. The suspicion that the double agent was someone with a short family history in the United States was proven incorrect. Instead, the foreign agent inside the OSS was one whose family heritage traced back to the American Revolutionary War and whose ancestor signed the Declaration of Independence. Yet blame for the intelligence leakage to a foreign power ultimately rests on the FBI, the State Department, and the director of the OSS itself for their inadequacies in securing classified documents and ineptitude at counterintelligence.


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