Revolutionary Spirituality: A Study of the Protestant Role in the American Colonial Rule of the Philippines, 1898–1928. By Mariano C. Apilado. Quezon City, Philippines: New Day Publishers, 1999. 333 pp. $62.50 (paper). - Protestantism and Authoritarian Politics: The Politics of Repression and the Future of Ecumenical Witness in the Philippines. By Oscar S. Suarez. Quezon City, Philippines: New Day Publishers, 1999. 250 pp. $60.00 (paper).

2001 ◽  
Vol 60 (2) ◽  
pp. 601-602
Author(s):  
Kathleen Nadeau
2017 ◽  
Vol 48 (1) ◽  
pp. 91-112 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael D. Pante

Quezon City was founded in 1939 as a planned city and envisioned as the future capital of the Philippines, which was anticipating its independence in a few years. Led by President Manuel Quezon, Philippine politicians conferred upon the city narratives of nationhood and social justice to make it the best spatial representation of a nation-in-waiting. However, underneath these state-centric ideologies was the authoritarianism of the Quezon regime, which used urban politics to centralise power. But far from being a symbol of the President's undisputed dominance, Quezon City's inherent contradictions became weak points in the city's official narrative.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jan Aart Scholte ◽  
Soetkin Verhaegen ◽  
Jonas Tallberg

Abstract This article examines what contemporary elites think about global governance and what these attitudes might bode for the future of global institutions. Evidence comes from a unique survey conducted in 2017–19 across six elite sectors (business, civil society, government bureaucracy, media, political parties, research) in six countries (Brazil, Germany, the Philippines, Russia, South Africa, the United States) and a global group. Bearing in mind some notable variation between countries, elite types, issue-areas and institutions, three main interconnected findings emerge. First, in principle, contemporary leaders in politics and society hold considerable readiness to pursue global-scale governance. Today's elites are not generally in a nationalist-protectionist-sovereigntist mood. Second, in practice, these elites on average hold medium-level confidence towards fourteen current global governance institutions. This evidence suggests that, while there is at present no legitimacy crisis of global governance among elites (as might encourage its decline), neither is there a legitimacy boom (as could spur its expansion). Third, if we probe what elites prioritize when they evaluate global governance, the surveyed leaders generally most underline democracy in the procedures of these bodies and effectiveness in their performance. This finding suggests that, to raise elites' future confidence in global governance, the institutions would do well to become more transparent in their operations and more impactful problem-solvers in their outcomes.


Author(s):  
Steve Kite ◽  
James Pitchforth ◽  
Sammy Yip ◽  
Paz Artejo ◽  
Gerardo Ramon Galang

<p>The sizing of the main span dimensions for new marine bridge crossings needs to consider the current shipping vessels using the waterways and the future growth in marine traffic. Internationally accepted guidelines are used for initial sizing of the navigation clearances, but confirmation of the safe passage of vessels requires simulations to be undertaken. For two major marine bridges planned in the Philippines the marine navigation clearance assessments have been carried out, and the results verified via realistic simulations carried out at the facilities available in the Maritime Academy of Asia and the Pacific (MAAP). This paper outlines methodology of the theoretical calculations and the simulations performed, which confirmed the clearances and informed the design of the required navigation aids.</p>


1998 ◽  
Vol 8 ◽  
pp. 337-355 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. J. Stockwell

It is a commonplace that European rule contributed both to the consolidation of the nation-states of Southeast Asia and to the aggravation of disputes within them. Since their independence, Burma, Cambodia, Indonesia, Laos, Malaysia, the Philippines, and Vietnam have all faced the upheavals of secessionism or irredentism or communalism. Governments have responded to threats of fragmentation by appeals to national ideologies like Sukarno's pancasila (five principles) or Ne Win's ‘Burmese way to socialism’. In attempting to realise unity in diversity, they have paraded a common experience of the struggle for independence from colonial rule as well as a shared commitment to post-colonial modernisation. They have also ruthlessly repressed internal opposition or blamed their problems upon the foreign forces of neocolonialism, world communism, western materialism, and other threats to Asian values. Yet, because its effects were uneven and inconsistent while the reactions to it were varied and frequently equivocal, the part played by colonialism in shaping the affiliations and identities of Southeast Asian peoples was by no means clear-cut.


2018 ◽  
Vol 36 (2) ◽  
pp. 28-52 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elise Franklin

During the Algerian War, Nafissa Sid Cara came to public prominence in two roles. As a secretary of state, Sid Cara oversaw the reform of Muslim marriage and divorce laws pursued by Charles de Gaulle’s administration as part of its integration campaign to unite France and Algeria. As president of the Mouvement de solidarité féminine, she sought to “emancipate” Algerian women so they could enjoy the rights France offered. Though the politics of the Algerian War circumscribed both roles, Sid Cara’s work with Algerian women did not remain limited by colonial rule. As Algeria approached independence, Sid Cara rearticulated the language of women’s rights as an apolitical and universal good, regardless of the future of the French colonial state, though she—and the language of women’s rights— remained bound to the former metropole.


2019 ◽  
Vol 1 ◽  
pp. 1-2
Author(s):  
Homer Pagkalinawan

<p><strong>Abstract.</strong> Selected cities in the Philippines follow, to a certain extent, an organized street layout and orientation based on a designed plan including major cities like Manila and Quezon City. However, others cities developed organically on a less organized manner, expanding haphazardly. Being the spatial backbone of these cities, street patterns controls and limits the flow of people, goods, and activities. Measuring entropy, or the state of orderliness or disorderliness, of a street network can assess the difference between a planned and an unplanned city development. Possibly, it can be correlated to the various socioeconomic variables e.g. population, density, income level, poverty level, etc. or environmental variables e.g. night time light data, urban heat, vegetation cover, etc., that characterizes a city.</p>


Nuncius ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 36 (3) ◽  
pp. 754-778
Author(s):  
Dayana Ariffin

Abstract Mapping of “ethnic” or “racial” groups in the Philippines was an enterprise that was taken up through the direct interventions of the two colonial polities in Filipino history—Spain and the United States. The objective of mapping race or ethnicity in the Philippines was to identify the location of native racial groups for ethnological and administrative purposes. This article intends to explore the relationship between mapping and the scientific conceptualization of race during the changeover in colonial rule by examining two ethnographic maps, specifically the “Blumentritt Map” (1890) and the Atlas de Filipinas (1899). Maps are complex artefacts that can be read on various levels. Thus, the spatializing effects of mapping can extend well beyond the documentation of a geographic reality and capable of altering historical narratives and sociopolitical experiences.


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