Foreign Sovereign Immunities Act—denial of immunity for extrajudicial killing—Cuban liability for shooting down civil aircraft—punitive damages—retroactive application of statute recognizing cause of action for human rights violations

1998 ◽  
Vol 92 (4) ◽  
pp. 768-773
Author(s):  
Bernard H. Oxman ◽  
Stephen J. Schnably

Alejandre v. Republic of Cuba. 996 F.Supp. 1239.U.S. District Court, S.D. Fla., December 17, 1997.On February 24, 1996, the Cuban Air Force deliberately shot down two unarmed civil aircraft piloted by members of the Miami-based organization Brothers to die Rescue. The incident resulted in the loss of four lives and evoked widespread international condemnation. It prompted Congress to enact the controversial Helms-Burton Act on March 12, 1996, tightening the U.S. embargo against Cuba in effect since 1962.

2008 ◽  
Vol 45 (3) ◽  
pp. 653 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonathan Horlick ◽  
Joe Cyr ◽  
Scott Reynolds ◽  
Andrew Behrman

Under the United States Alien Tort Statute, which permits non-U.S. citizens to bring lawsuits in U.S. courts for human rights violations that are violations of the law of nations, plaintiffs have filed claims against multinational oil and gas corporations for the direct or complicit commission of such violations carried out by the government of the country in which the corporation operated. In addition to exercising jurisdiction over U.S. corporations, U.S. courts have exercised jurisdiction in cases involving non-U.S. defendants for alleged wrongful conduct against non-U.S. plaintiffs committed outside the U.S.The exercise of jurisdiction by U.S. courts over non-U.S. defendants for alleged wrongful conduct against non-U.S. plaintiffs committed outside of the U.S. raises serious questions as to the jurisdictional foundation on which the power of U.S. courts to adjudicate them rests. Defences that foreign defendants can raise against the exercise of jurisdiction by the U.S. courts are an objection to the extraterritorial assertion of jurisdiction, the act of state doctrine, the political question doctrine, forum non conveniens, and the principle of comity. These defences are bolstered by the support of the defendant’s home government and other governments.


Worldview ◽  
1977 ◽  
Vol 20 (7-8) ◽  
pp. 13-18
Author(s):  
William J. Barnds

Few if any of America's relationships with its allies are likely to present the Carter administration with more complex and difficult dilemmas than does South Korea. During his drive for the presidency Jimmy Carter was critical of the Republic of Korea (ROK) for its suppression of human rights and said he would remove the U.S. ground troops there over the next several years. (The 42,000 U.S. forces in Korea include about 7,000 air force personnel and a few hundred sailors. About half of the 35,000 ground forces are in combat units, and the others provide logistical support.)


2007 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephen J. Powell

This article examines whether customs, treaties, and historical facts have caused the ethical human rights obligations of economically powerful states to assume a legal quality. The author argues that the legal quality of these obligations may arise from the global harm principle of international law and human rights obligations found in treaties. As a consequence, states may be held accountable for the human rights violations of transnational corporations. Further, the author examines the possibility of pursuing claims under the U.S. Alien Tort Statute for torts committed in violation of international treaties as another avenue for enforcing human rights obligations.


2002 ◽  
Vol 3 (6) ◽  
Author(s):  
Markus Rau

For want of an effective and accessible universal system for redress of international human rights abuses, victims of human rights violations increasingly seek reparations in domestic civil courts. In the United States in particular, the federal courts, since the 1980 Filártiga decision of the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit, have already decided on a remarkable number of civil suits alleging human rights violations committed abroad, the most recent example of this trend being a class action of members and supporters of opposition political groups in Zimbabwe who invoke the so-called Alien Tort Claims Act (ATCA) against President and Foreign Minister Robert Mugabe with respect to alleged acts of torture. According to the proponents of such lawsuits, international human rights litigation in domestic civil courts can serve as an important tool in the worldwide effort to enforce international norms concerned with the protection of the individual which may complement criminal prosecutions of the offenders. As stated by Professor Stevens, who has litigated many of the international human rights cases in the U.S. federal courts, \\\“civil lawsuits for human rights violations […] serve a role similar to tort litigation in a domestic forum: to offer victims of violence a legal remedy which they control and which may satisfy needs not met by the criminal law system.\\\”


2020 ◽  
Vol 59 (6) ◽  
pp. 1054-1055

On August 23, 2020, the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit issued its decision in Mitchell v. U.S., denying a certificate of appealability to the petitioner who sought a motion to vacate his conviction and sentence of death. The petitioner, Lezmond Mitchell, argued that his conviction and sentence must be vacated in light of an August 12, 2020, report by the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights that concluded that Mr. Mitchell's trial and sentence were a violation of his rights under the American Declaration on the Rights and Duties of Man. Mr. Mitchell, the only Native American on federal death row, argued that the IACHR report created rights binding on the U.S. “‘(1) because they are derived directly from the OAS Charter, a treaty within the meaning of the U.S. Constitution; and (2) because they are derived, through the OAS Charter, from the American Declaration, a statement of human rights norms the United States has not only adopted, but helped to draft.’” The Ninth Circuit concluded that Mr. Mitchell's motion to vacate “did not make ‘a substantial showing of the denial of a constitutional right’” under 28 U.S.C. § 2253(c)(2) and denied his motion. In its reasoning, the Court explained that “reasonable jurists would not find debatable the district court's conclusion that the IACHR's decision is not binding in federal court.” It agreed with the District Court's conclusion that IACHR rulings are not binding on the U.S. because the OAS Charter is “not self-executing” and there is no U.S. statute which implements it. Moreover, the District Court correctly determined that because the American Declaration is not a treaty, it creates no binding legal obligations, nor does the “IACHR's governing statute, the Statute of Inter-American Commission on Human Rights . . . give the IACHR power to make binding rulings with respect to nations, like the United States, that have not ratified the American Convention.” The Ninth Circuit thus joins the other federal courts of appeals that have addressed this issue by concluding that neither the American Declaration, nor the IACHR's recommendations related thereto, is a source of binding obligations for the United States under international law. Cf. Cardenas v. Stephens, 820 F.3d 197, 203 (5th Cir. 2016); Tamayo v. Stephens, 740 F.3d 991, 997–98 (5th Cir. 2014); Flores-Nova v. Attorney Gen. of U.S., 652 F.3d 488, 493 (3d Cir. 2011); Igartua v. United States, 626 F.3d 592, 603 n. 11 (1st Cir. 2010); In re Hicks, 375 F.3d 1237, 1241 n. 2 (11th Cir. 2004); Garza v. Lappin, 253 F.3d 918, 925 (7th Cir. 2001); Roach v. Aiken, 781 F.2d 379, 381 (4th Cir. 1986).


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-14
Author(s):  
Siti Rochmah Aga Desyana

Abstract In the ages of Duterte and his extrajudicial killing policies, of Aung Sang Suu Kyi and the Rohinya systemic persecution, of Malays rejecting the ratification of International Convention for Eradication of Racial Discrimination (ICERD), and other unfortunate events spanning across the region, South East Asia was largely suffering from various grave breaches of human rights violations. As the subcontinent umbrella organization, however, ASEAN’s hand has been largely tied when facing the issues pertaining in their region, despite pledging their commitment to establish protection and enactment of human rights law in its continent since 2007. Some experts say that its inability to perform meaningful actions is mainly attributable to its “non-interference policy”, a principle adopted by ASEAN with several unique characteristics that differs its practice with other organization practicing similar belief, mixed with a misguided application of implementation regarding “regional particularism”. This paper aims to understand the establishment of such principles’ implementation and how they influence the organization’s approach against violations of human rights happening under its member-states’ governments. Keywords: Human Rights Violations, Non-Interference, Regional Particularism   Abstrak Pada zaman Duterte dan kebijakan pembunuhan di luar proses hukumnya, Aung Sang Suu Kyi dan penganiayaan sistemik etnik Rohingya, orang-orang Malaysia menolak ratifikasi Konvensi Internasional untuk Pemberantasan Diskriminasi Rasial (ICERD), dan berbagai peristiwa malang lainnya yang terjadi di berbagai daerah, Asia Tenggara menderita berbagai pelanggaran berat hak asasi manusia (HAM). Namun, sebagai organisasi yang memayungi sub-benua, tangan-tangan ASEAN sebagian besar terikat ketika menghadapi masalah-masalah yang berkaitan dengan wilayah mereka, meskipun berjanji untuk membangun perlindungan dan pemberlakuan undang-undang hak asasi manusia di benua itu sejak 2007. Beberapa ahli mengatakan bahwa ketidakmampuannya untuk melakukan tindakan yang berarti terutama disebabkan oleh kebijakan non-intervensi-nya, sebuah prinsip yang diadopsi oleh ASEAN dengan beberapa karakteristik unik yang berbeda praktiknya dengan organisasi lain yang mempraktikkan prinsip serupa, yang kemudian dicampur dengan implementasi “kekhususan regional” yang problematik. Artikel ini bertujuan untuk memahami pembentukan implementasi prinsip tersebut dan bagaimana hal itu mempengaruhi pendekatan organisasi terhadap pelanggaran hak asasi manusia yang terjadi di bawah pemerintahan negara-negara anggotanya. Kata Kunci: Kekhususan Regional, Non-Intervensi, Pelanggaran HAM


2020 ◽  
pp. 391-410
Author(s):  
Beth Stephens

This chapter evaluates the “terrorism” exception to the Foreign Sovereign Immunities Act (FSIA). The Fourth Restatement of Foreign Relations Law of the United States sets out to “restate” the law of the United States and “relevant portions of international law,” not to critique U.S. law or settle debates about the content of international law. However, that task is complicated when the law of the United States triggers questions about unresolved international law issues. The “terrorism” exception to the FSIA illustrates this complexity. Congress, the executive branch, and the judiciary have employed the exception as a politically motivated weapon to target disfavored states, while excluding U.S. allies, politically powerful states, and the United States itself from the reach of the statute. The text of the Fourth Restatement merely restates the U.S. law governing the “terrorism” exception, without identifying international law concerns or analyzing the issues they raise. The chapter, by contrast, offers a critique of the “terrorism” exception, focusing on the statute as written, as amended to reach particular targets, and as applied in practice. A well-crafted statutory exception to sovereign immunity for state human rights violations would be a welcome addition to human rights accountability. The “terrorism” exception falls far short of that goal.


2021 ◽  
Vol 49 (3) ◽  
pp. 500-502
Author(s):  
I. Glenn Cohen ◽  
Tyler Giannini ◽  
Eli Y. Adashi

AbstractOn January 3, 2019, U.S. District Judge Theodore D. Chuang of the U.S. District Court of the District of Maryland took a crucial first step in redressing one of the worst human subjects research ethics violations in U.S. history.


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