Nationalism and the Right Wing in Japan. A Study of Post-War Trends

1962 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 325
Author(s):  
G. V. Gorham ◽  
Ivan I. Morris
Keyword(s):  
Post War ◽  
2006 ◽  
pp. 54-75
Author(s):  
Klaus Peter Friedrich

Facing the decisive struggle between Nazism and Soviet communism for dominance in Europe, in 1942/43 Polish communists sojourning in the USSR espoused anti-German concepts of the political right. Their aim was an ethnic Polish ‘national communism’. Meanwhile, the Polish Workers’ Party in the occupied country advocated a maximum intensification of civilian resistance and partisan struggle. In this context, commentaries on the Nazi judeocide were an important element in their endeavors to influence the prevailing mood in the country: The underground communist press often pointed to the fate of the murdered Jews as a warning in order to make it clear to the Polish population where a deficient lack of resistance could lead. However, an agreed, unconditional Polish and Jewish armed resistance did not come about. At the same time, the communist press constantly expanded its demagogic confrontation with Polish “reactionaries” and accused them of shared responsibility for the Nazi murder of the Jews, while the Polish government (in London) was attacked for its failure. This antagonism was intensified in the fierce dispute between the Polish and Soviet governments after the rift which followed revelations about the Katyn massacre. Now the communist propaganda image of the enemy came to the fore in respect to the government and its representatives in occupied Poland. It viewed the government-in-exile as being allied with the “reactionaries,” indifferent to the murder of the Jews, and thus acting ultimately on behalf of Nazi German policy. The communists denounced the real and supposed antisemitism of their adversaries more and more bluntly. In view of their political isolation, they coupled them together, in an undifferentiated manner, extending from the right-wing radical ONR to the social democrats and the other parties represented in the underground parliament loyal to the London based Polish government. Thereby communist propaganda tried to discredit their opponents and to justify the need for a new start in a post-war Poland whose fate should be shaped by the revolutionary left. They were thus paving the way for the ultimate communist takeover


1994 ◽  
Vol 37 (2) ◽  
pp. 365-388 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard C. Vinen

ABSTRACTIt is normally assumed that antisemitism in post-war France needs to be understood primarily in the light of the German occupation of 1940–4. This article seeks to describe the relationship between political antisemitism and events after 1945. Special attention is given to the issue that obsessed a large part of the French right: the loss of Algeria. It is argued that between 1954 and 1962 right-wingers came to took on the Jewish population of Algeria, which was often fervently opposed to French withdrawal, with new favour. Furthermore, many right-wingers began to admire Israel, which seemed so successful in combating Arab nationalism and which was widely believed to have links with the Organisation de l' Arméte Secrète. Changes in attitudes to Israel and the Jews were linked with a wider change in the French right that had been going on since 1945: most of the right now focused their loyalties around ‘l' occident’ a block of nations led by America and including Israel rather than around the France that was so important to Gaullist thinking. Finally, an attempt is made to show how the French right's new attitude to the Jews influenced its reaction to the 1965 Presidential election campaign, de Gaulle's denunciation of Israel in 1967 and the student riots of 1968.


2007 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 272-282
Author(s):  
Manabu Noda

Many theatre pieces in Japan now focus on a certain type of physicality which results from the sense of unease present in Japanese society. Manabu Noda argues that the senses of estrangement, distrust, apathy, helplessness, and incongruity in this supposedly democratic country come partly from the macho pressures under the right-wing Koizumi administration of 2001–06, and examines some current Japanese performances in the context of Japanese post-war society and of the continuing conflict in Iraq. He explores how these performances stage the body ill at ease – perceived as something irrevocably ‘left behind’ physically rather than textually. Manabu Noda is former general secretary of the Japan Centre of the International Association of Theatre Critics, and presently holds the position of Professor in the School of Arts and Letters at Meiji University in Tokyo. A theatre critic, he has also published books and essays on British and Japanese acting and theatre history. The present paper is based on a presentation in October 2006 at the conference ‘Foundation and Horizon of Hong Kong Performing Arts Criticism’, organized by the International Association of Theatre Critics in Hong Kong, and on a shortened version presented at the IATC 2006 Extraordinary Congress in Seoul.


2015 ◽  
Vol 47 (1) ◽  
pp. 149-164 ◽  
Author(s):  
Holger Döring ◽  
Philip Manow

How do electoral rules affect the composition of governments? It is a robust finding that countries with majoritarian rules more often elect conservative governments than those with proportional representation (PR) electoral systems. There are three explanations for this pattern. The first stresses the impact of voting behaviour: the middle class more often votes for right-wing parties in majoritarian electoral systems, anticipating governments’ redistributive consequences. The second explanation is based on electoral geography: the regional distribution of votes may bias the vote-seat translation against the Left in majoritarian systems due to the wide margins by which the Left wins core urban districts. The third explanation refers to party fragmentation: if the Right is more fragmented than the Left in countries with PR, then there is less chance of a right-wing party gaining formateur status. This study tests these three hypotheses for established democracies over the entire post-war period. It finds the first two mechanisms at work in the democratic chain of delegation from voting via the vote-seat translation to the formation of cabinets, while party fragmentation does not seem to co-vary as much as expected with electoral rules. These findings confirm that majoritarian systems have a substantive conservative bias, whereas countries with PR show more differentiated patterns.


1960 ◽  
Vol 33 (3) ◽  
pp. 308
Author(s):  
Kazuo Kawai ◽  
Ivan I. Morris ◽  
Maruyama Masao
Keyword(s):  
Post War ◽  

1961 ◽  
Vol 66 (2) ◽  
pp. 464
Author(s):  
Hilary Conroy ◽  
I. I. Morris ◽  
Maruyama Masao
Keyword(s):  
Post War ◽  

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