Ethnic Narcissism and Big Brother: Culture, Identity, and the State in the New Curriculum

Author(s):  
Cynthia Kros
Keyword(s):  
2021 ◽  
pp. 131-163
Author(s):  
Neil Richards

Privacy can nurture our ability to develop political beliefs, identities, and expression, and is thus an essential source of political power for citizens against the state. Privacy enables political freedom, letting us act as self-governing citizens, and it is hard to envision a functioning democracy without privacy. Many discussions of privacy and political freedom rely on Orwell’s metaphor of Big Brother, but that image is incomplete because it fails to include private-party surveillance. Surveillance of any kind, whether government or private, raises two particular dangers. First, surveillance threatens the intellectual privacy we need to make up our minds about political and social issues; being watched when we think, read, and communicate can cause us not to experiment with new, controversial, or deviant ideas. Second, surveillance changes the power dynamic between the watcher and the watched; the power surveillance gives to watchers creates risks of blackmail, discrimination, and coercive persuasion.


2021 ◽  
pp. 161-168
Author(s):  
Rob Kitchin

This chapter examines how data-driven technologies are deployed as mass surveillance and social credit scoring in China and their threat to democracy. Over the last decade, China has put in place a state-sponsored system of mass automated surveillance. It has successfully managed to limit the Internet to state-approved websites, apps, and social media, corralling users into a monitored, non-anonymous environment and preventing access to overseas media and information. From December of 2019, all mobile phone users registering new SIM cards must agree to a facial recognition scan to prove their identity. The state has also facilitated the transition from anonymous cash to traceable digital transactions. Most significantly, the state has created a social credit scoring system that pulls together various forms of data into a historical archive and uses it to assign each citizen and company a set of scores that affects their lifestyles and ability to trade. On the one hand, this is about making the credit information publicly accessible, so that those who are deemed untrustworthy are publicly shamed and lose their reputation. On the other hand, it is about guilt-by-association and administering collective punishment. This sociality works to minimize protest and unrest and reinforce the logic of the system.


Author(s):  
Will Friedwald

The introduction starts with the basic facts and statistics of Nat King Cole’s career, his rather overwhelming string of chart hits that established him as the most popular of all popular singers between Bing Crosby and Elvis Presley, and as one of the greatest pianists in all of jazz. It also talks about how remarkable it is that a pop culture figure who died more than fifty-five years ago is still so relevant as to be referenced in contemporary works like the current Broadway musical Hamilton. As a way of easing readers into Cole’s musical world, two of his most popular numbers are discussed in some detail here: the 1955 hit “A Blossom Fell,” a song that originated in England, and the 1943 “It’s Only a Paper Moon,” which Cole recorded early in his career for Capitol Records, which included it on his first album; it became a career-long perennial and signature song. A further “prelude” talks about the state of jazz and black music in 1930, the year before Cole made his debut and gave his first notable public performance, by focusing on the orchestra of Noble Sissle, then playing Paris, whose orchestra included Nat’s big brother, Eddie Coles, on bass.


2019 ◽  
Vol 12 ◽  
pp. 363-376
Author(s):  
Kai Reinhart

Incognito through a country of friends: Illegal climbers from the GDR in the Soviet UnionAlthough the GDR did not have its own high mountains, it did have an informal community of climbers, of about 1,000 enthusiasts, who despite numerous obstacles managed to go on expeditions to high mountains of the Eastern Bloc. They could not count on any support of the state, because mountaineering is not a kind of sport in which international success can be achieved all the time and because the GDR, unlike e.g. the Soviet Union, could not expect any military benefits from it. The climbers found it especially hard to obtain permission to travel, to go to the mountains on their own, to acquire appropriate equipment and train in preparation for the difficulties awaiting them in high mountains. Only thanks to their extraordinary enthusiasm, organisational creativity and technical skills were they able to overcome obstacles like obtaining invitations from the Soviet Union, casual jobs and making their own equipment in order to be able to reach high mountains. From the late 1970s the climbing community began to experience a revival thanks to a new “hippie generation”. Young people reached the USSR thanks to the so-called “transit visas”, which is why they were described as “transit travellers”. Often they would then travel for weeks or even months “unrecognised through their beloved country”. During these “incognito travels” they had to avoid police patrols and when they were stopped, they had to have good excuses. Despite their illegality, the transit travellers were able to travel across the entire USSR. Their extraordinarily modest way of travelling, often hitch-hiking or walking, meant that they had closer contact with people living in the Soviet Union than was provided for in the German–Soviet friendship, used for propaganda purposes, and could formulate their own opinion on the reality of the “Big Brother”.Through their experiences the climbers managed to distance themselves from the official socialist discourse in the GDR. With their views crossing state borders the climbers could be treated as the vanguard of mass escapes through Eastern European third countries, like e.g. Hungary, which began the collapse of the GDR in 1989.


Author(s):  
А.А. Федотов ◽  
Владимир Владимирович Терентьев

На основе материалов Государственного архива Российской Федерации и Российского государственного архива социально-политической истории показывается, что концепция русского народа как «старшего брата» имела исключительно большое значение для Советской Беларуси как в годы Великой Отечественной войны, так и в ходе послевоенного восстановления республики. Показываются конкретные меры, предпринимавшиеся Совнаркомом СССР по возрождению освобождённых от нацистской оккупации областей БССР. Автор показывает, как осуществлялась помощь в возрождении республики «снизу» - по инициативе рабочих коллективов городов РСФСР и других союзных республик. Ощущение братского единства, государства как семьи советских народов позволило не только одержать победу над нацизмом, но и в короткие сроки произвести восстановление разрушенных войной народного хозяйства и социальной сферы, благодаря сплочению людей для решения общегосударственных задач. The article, based on the materials of the State Archive of the Russian Federation and the Russian State Archive of Socio-Political History, shows that the concept of the Russian people as an «older brother» was extremely important for Soviet Belarus both during the Great Patriotic War and during the post-war reconstruction of the republic. The article shows the specific measures taken by the Soviet People's Commissar of the USSR to revive the regions of the BSSR liberated from the Nazi occupation. It also shows the assistance provided in the revival of the republic «from below» - at the initiative of the working collectives of the cities of Russia and other union republics. The sense of fraternal unity, of the state as a family of the Soviet peoples, made it possible not only to defeat Nazism, but also to restore the national economy and social sphere destroyed by the war in a short time, thanks to the unity of people to solve national problems.


2016 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Lucas Melgaço

RESUMO Ao mesmo tempo que as tecnologias da informação e comunicação têm impulsionado a ocorrência de grandes manifestações públicas no atual período técnico-científico e informacional, elas têm também sido utilizadas para o monitoramento de ativistas e, por vezes, para verdadeiramente coibir a ação de alguns cidadãos. Esse cenário de intensa vigilância tem sido muitas vezes representado a partir de metáforas como big brother e panóptico. Todavia, esses dois termos não são suficientes para explicar a atual sociedade da vigilância. Enquanto o modelo panóptico representa uma situação em que “um” monitora “vários”, o momento atual é marcado também por situações em que, inversamente, “vários” vigiam “um”, ou ainda, “vários” vigiam “vários”. Por sua vez, a concepção orwelliana estaria incompleta por concentrar o poder de vigilância em um único agente: o Estado. Apesar da importância ainda crucial do Estado, outros agentes passam a ter semelhante relevância no controle da informação no período atual, como as empresas e os próprios indivíduos. Os recentes protestos no Brasil têm trazido vários exemplos em que a vigilância promovida por agentes hegemônicos tem sido contraposta não apenas por atos de contravigilância, mas de uma crescente visibilidade sinóptica.Palavras-chave: Protestos; Vigilância; Panóptico; Sinóptico; Período Técnico-Científico e Informacional.ABSTRACT Information and communication technologies have fostered the existence of large public demonstrations in the current techno-scientific and informational period, while at the same time they have often served to monitor activists’ activities and to curtail the actions of certain citizens. Such scenario of intensive surveillance has been represented by metaphors like big brother and the panopticon. However, these metaphors on their own cannot explain the complexities of the current surveillance society. While the panopticon model represents the surveillance of “the many” by “one”, today there are many situations where “the many” watch “one”, or even, “the many” watch “the many”. The Orwellian model is incomplete as it centres the surveillance focus in the hands of the state, whereas other actors like companies and individuals play crucial roles in the current surveillance realm. Recent protests in Brazil show several examples in which the surveillance promoted by hegemonic agents is being countered not only by counter-surveillance practices but also by a growing synoptic visibility.Keywords: Protests; Surveillance; Panopticon; Synopticon; Techno-Scientific and Informational Period.  


Author(s):  
T. A. Welton

Various authors have emphasized the spatial information resident in an electron micrograph taken with adequately coherent radiation. In view of the completion of at least one such instrument, this opportunity is taken to summarize the state of the art of processing such micrographs. We use the usual symbols for the aberration coefficients, and supplement these with £ and 6 for the transverse coherence length and the fractional energy spread respectively. He also assume a weak, biologically interesting sample, with principal interest lying in the molecular skeleton remaining after obvious hydrogen loss and other radiation damage has occurred.


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