Chariot Groups in Fifth-Century Greek Sculpture

1955 ◽  
Vol 75 ◽  
pp. 104-113 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cornelius C. Vermeule

Some of the most magnificent representations of chariots in mid career are seen on the coins of Sicily and Southern Italy toward the close of the fifth century B.C. There are two major theories concerning the appearance of these striking compositions in Sicilian numismatic art. One theory is that dies for these coins are the independent products of local, native artists of highest competence. The other is that the dies for these pieces are the work of Attic artists who migrated to the prosperous cities of Sicily to take up new careers as workers in the minor metallic arts, as gem cutters, and as die sinkers for the various local rulers. We lack positive evidence. We cannot identify any artist who left Attica to pursue work of this type in Southern Italy or Sicily. Scholars have produced a mass of conjecture and speculation on this subject.The treatment of space and depth in the chariot compositions seems to the writer to provide a new possibility for grouping and relating the representations of chariots in the late fifth century—both those on the major monuments in sculptured relief and those on the Tetradrachms and Dekadrachms of Syracuse and Akragas. From a restudy of the methods of relief representation and from a survey of information derived from such connecting links between major sculpture and coinage as silverware, gems, and vases further light may be thrown on the problems of the artistic derivation of the renowned die compositions of later fifth-century Sicily.


Author(s):  
Samuel K. Cohn, Jr.

This book challenges a dominant hypothesis in the study of epidemics. From an interdisciplinary array of scholars, a consensus has emerged: invariably, epidemics in past times provoked class hatred, blame of the ‘other’, or victimization of the diseases’ victims. It is also claimed that when diseases were mysterious, without cures or preventive measures, they more readily provoked ‘sinister connotations’. The evidence for these assumptions, however, comes from a handful of examples—the Black Death, the Great Pox at the end of the sixteenth century, cholera riots of the 1830s, and AIDS, centred almost exclusively on the US experience. By investigating thousands of descriptions of epidemics, reaching back before the fifth-century BCE Plague of Athens to the eruption of Ebola in 2014, this study traces epidemics’ socio-psychological consequences across time and discovers a radically different picture. First, scholars, especially post-AIDS, have missed a fundamental aspect of the history of epidemics: their remarkable power to unify societies across class, race, ethnicity, and religion, spurring self-sacrifice and compassion. Second, hatred and violence cannot be relegated to a time when diseases were mysterious, before the ‘laboratory revolution’ of the late nineteenth century: in fact, modernity was the great incubator of a disease–hate nexus. Third, even with diseases that have tended to provoke hatred, such as smallpox, poliomyelitis, plague, and cholera, blaming ‘the other’ or victimizing disease bearers has been rare. Instead, the history of epidemics and their socio-psychological consequences has been richer and more varied than scholars and public intellectuals have heretofore allowed.



1986 ◽  
Vol 20 ◽  
pp. 197-216
Author(s):  
Michael Tanner

Although Nietzsche's greatness is recognized more universally now than ever before, the nature of that greatness is still widely misunderstood, and that unfortunately means that before I discuss any of Beyond Good and Evil (henceforth BGE) in any detail, I must make some general remarks about his work, his development and the kind of way in which I think that it is best to read him. Unlike any of the other philosophers that this series includes, except Marx and Engels, Nietzsche is very much concerned to address his contemporaries, because he was aware of a specific historical predicament, one which he would only see as having worsened in ways which he predicted with astonishing precision in the century since he wrote his great series of works. For he was above all a philosopher of culture, which is to say that his primary concern was always with the forces that determine the nature of a particular civilization, and with the possibilities of achievement which that civilization consequently had open to it. One of the reasons that The Birth of Tragedy, his first book, published when he was twenty-eight, created such a surge of hostility in the world of classical scholarship was that in it, whilst undertaking an investigation of what made possible the achievements of fifth century BC Greece in tragic drama, he felt it necessary to elicit the whole set of fundamental beliefs which the Greeks shared, and also to draw metaphysical conclusions from the fact that they were able to experience life in such a way that they needed great tragedies in order to endure it.



1914 ◽  
Vol 34 ◽  
pp. 312-320
Author(s):  
Charles Waldstein

In the last number of the Journal of Hellenic Studies (vol. xxxiv. p. 122) Mr. Guy Dickins begins his article on the Holkham Head and the Parthenon Pediment by saying that, before accepting my own arguments as contained in my article (J.H.S. vol. xxxiii, p. 276), ‘we have the right to demand from him [myself] some evidence on the following points:—(1) That there is reason to connect the head with Athens and the Acropolis,(2) That the material is identical with the other pediment marbles,(3) That the style is Pheidian, or at any rate fifth-century Attic, and(4) That it is an architectural and not an independent piece of sculpture.'I will not needlessly occupy space by repeating what I have already written fully in my article, and I will merely take Mr. Dickins's four objections seriatim and deal with them as concisely as possible; but I must ask my readers, after they have read Mr. Dickins's exposition of his views, again to read my article carefully in order to appreciate the relative value of the evidence furnished.



1976 ◽  
Vol 56 (2) ◽  
pp. 198-216 ◽  
Author(s):  
Barry Cunliffe

SummaryThe results of five seasons of excavation (1971–5) are summarized. A continuous strip 30–40 m. wide extending across the centre of the fort from one side to the other was completely excavated revealing pits, gullies, circular stake-built houses, rectangular buildings, and 2-, 4-, and 6-post structures, belonging to the period from the sixth to the end of the second century B.C. The types of structures are discussed. A sequence of development, based largely upon the stratification preserved behind the ramparts, is presented: in the sixth–fifth century the hill was occupied by small four-post ‘granaries’ possibly enclosed by a palisade. The first hill-fort rampart was built in the fifth century protecting houses, an area of storage pits, and a zone of 4-and 6-post buildings laid out in rows along streets. The rampart was heightened in the third century, after which pits continued to be dug and rows of circular houses were built. About 100 B.C. rectangular buildings, possibly of a religious nature, were erected, after which the site was virtually abandoned. Social and economic matters are considered. The excavation will continue.



1981 ◽  
Vol 101 ◽  
pp. 78-86 ◽  
Author(s):  
Harold B. Mattingly

The American excavators in the south-west area of the Forum at Corinth have revealed an intriguing architectural complex, which they have called the ‘Punic Amphora Building’. Evidently it housed a thriving import business with a speciality in fish and wine, whose trade extended in one direction to Sicily and perhaps Spain and in the other to Chalkidike and Chios. Masses of fragments of Punic and Chian amphoras were found crushed and pounded in the make-up of successive floor-levels in the courtyard, together with numerous pieces from Mende and elsewhere. Many others emerged from the single floors of most of the rooms or were discovered in the littered debris from the final phase of occupation. The life of this business house was somewhat short, but a domestic building on the same site had earlier been partly devoted to the same trade. All this activity ceased with dramatic suddenness; the emporium went out of use and in the late fifth century it was overlaid in one area by a new road. The end seems to be securely dated c. 430 B.C. by Attic black-glaze pottery in the final floor-level or in the debris covering the last floor. Professor Williams plausibly links the collapse of business with the interruption of Corinth's trade caused by the outbreak of the Peloponnesian War: one of Athens' first war measures was to blockade both the Saronic and the Corinthian Gulfs. This new material evidence for Corinthian commerce is most welcome in itself and, as I hope to show in this paper, it may help clarify other problems.



1947 ◽  
Vol 67 ◽  
pp. 34-45 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. M. Cook

The year 1947–1948 has been one of limited activity. The presence of rebel bands continues to restrict movement in parts of mainland Greece and the Peloponnese; and the financial policy of the Greek Government has allowed little progress to be made this year in reconstituting the museums. The ban which the Ministry of Education imposed on excavation in Greece has not been withdrawn, though there are signs of a more liberal interpretation of it. On the other hand, the foreign archaeological institutions in Greece have intensified their activities within the limits imposed by present conditions; they have been happily strengthened by the founding on 10th May 1948 of a Swedish Institute in Athens.The Kerameikos Museum is now opened by appointment for students. The principal sculptures of the National Museum have been unpacked in preparation for replacement; an exhibition of early Greek sculptures and works of art was formally opened in the new year; it includes the Delphi charioteer and the new kouros from Anavysos. Additions to Mrs. Stathatou's private collection include a Late Geometric amphora and stamped gold head-band which were found in a grave in the Mesogaia, a small archaic bronze steer's head, and a grave relief of the later fifth century B.C.



Author(s):  
Lowell Edmunds

This chapter explores the fifth-century strands of reception of Helen. The Helens discussed in this chapter are a selection made to illustrate the postepic narrative as presupposed by various writers in various media. In addition to these fifth-century strands, the chapter also turns to the fourth century, which is another important strand of reception. The fourth century traces a strand which begins with the Pythagoreans in Croton in southern Italy and leads on to Goethe by way of Simon Magus. Another strand begins with the first fictional Helen, which can be found in Ovid. The chapter accompanies this discussion with an introduction into the concept of fiction. Finally, this chapter provides an example of the parallel phenomenon in Greek literature.



the context of evidence from other spheres. This evidence of manipulation may correspond to increasing concern with the production of corporate descent groups, lineages or other communities or sub-groups as suggested by Robb (1994a: 49ff) for southern Italy and by others dealing with the Neolithic elsewhere (e.g. Chapman 1981 ; Thomas & Whittle 1986). This suggests different spatialities to those described for the earlier Epipalaeolithic burials, as does the evidence in much of Neolithic southern Italy for separation of activities such as not only the procurement but also the consumption of wild animals. Remains of these are extremely rare at most settlement sites, but evidenced at other locations whether associated with 'cults' e.g. the later Neoltihic (Serra d'Alto) hypogeum at Santa Barbara, (PUG: Geniola 1987; Whitehouse 1985; 1992; 1996; Geniola 1987), or at apparently more utilitarian hunting sites e.g. Riparo della Sperlinga di S. Basilio (SIC: Biduttu 1971; Cavalier 1971). One interpretation may wish to link these to newly or differently gendered zones or landscapes (see below). ART, GENDER AND TEMPORALITIES In southern Italy there is a rich corpus of earlier prehistoric cave art, parietal and mobiliary, ranging from LUP incised representations on cave walls and engraved designs on stones and bones; probable Mesolithic incised lines and painted pebbles; and Neolithic wall paintings in caves (Pluciennik 1996). Here I shall concentrate on two caves in northwest Sicilia; a place where there is both LUP (i.e. from c. 18000-9000 cal. BC) and later prehistoric art, including paintings in caves from the Neolithic, perhaps at around 6000 or 7000 years ago. These are the Grotta Addaura II, a relatively open location near Palermo, and the more hidden inner chamber of the Grotta del Genovese on the island of Levanzo off north west Sicilia. These are isolated, though not unique examples, but we cannot talk about an integrated corpus of work, or easily compare and contrast within a widespread genre, even if we could assign rough contemporaneity. Grotta dell'Addaura II Despite poor dating evidence for the representations at this cave, material from the excavations perhaps suggests they are 10-12000 years old (Bovio Marconi 1953a). Many parts of the surface show evidence of repeated incision, perhaps also erasure as well as erosion, producing a palimpsest of humans and animals and other lines, without apparent syntax. Most of the interpretations of this cave art have centred on a unique 'scene' (fig. 3) in which various masked or beaked vertical figures surround two horizontal ones, one (H5) above the other (H6), with beak-like penes or penis-sheaths, and cords or straps between their buttocks and backs. These central figures could be flying or floating, and have been described as 'acrobats'. Bovio Marconi (1953a: 12) first suggested that the central figures were engaged in an act of homosexual copulation, but later preferred to emphasise her suggestion of acrobatic feats, though still connected with a virility ritual (1953b). The act of hanging also leads to penile erection and ejaculation; and in the 1950s Chiapella (1954) and Blanc (1954; 1955) linked this with human sacrifice, death and fertility rites. All of these interpretations of this scene are generally ethnographically plausible. Rituals of masturbation (sometimes of berdaches, men who lived as women) are recorded from North America, where the consequent dispersal of semen on ground symbolised natural fertility (Fulton & Anderson 1992: 609, note 19). In modern Papua New Guinea ritual fellatio was used in initiation ceremonies as a way of giving male-associated sexual power to boys becoming men (Herdt 1984) and this ethnographic analogy has been used by Tim Yates (1993) in his interpretation of rock art in Scandinavia, which has figures with penes, and figures without: he argues in a very unFreudian manner that to be penis-less is not necessarily a female prerogative.

2016 ◽  
pp. 76-86


Author(s):  
Dwayne A. Meisner

The third chapter is about a theogony that had been known to the philosopher Eudemus (fourth century BC), and all of the other fragments that modern scholars have associated with this theogony. The Neoplatonist Damascius (fifth century AD) says that the theogony started with Night, but modern scholars have tried to link this to other early fragments of Orphic poetry. This chapter discusses Aristophanes in the first section, and Plato and Aristotle in the second section, arguing that their scattered references to Orphic poems might not have been from the same theogony. The third section introduces the Orphic Hymn(s) to Zeus that appear in different variations, the earliest of which are from around the same time as these other fragments. The fourth section suggests that early Orphic fragments about Demeter and Dionysus are not from the Eudemian theogony.



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