The Ideological Foundations and Political Process of Reinstatement of the Liberal Democratic Republic

2021 ◽  
pp. 173-204
1980 ◽  
Vol 74 (1) ◽  
pp. 92-103 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jerry Perkins ◽  
Diane L. Fowlkes

This article, by employing voting simulations in a survey of party activists, examines responses to a woman's claim to party office on the basis of her sex. The degree of acceptance of this claim or the willingness to grant what is called social representation, is contrasted with the respondents' inclinations to select candidates favorable to women's rights, or the willingness to grant what is called opinion representation. Variations in responses to the two simulations are analyzed in terms of attitudes toward gender roles, government intervention and the legitimacy of groups in the political process. Voting in the simulation involving opinion representation can best be understood in terms of the respondent's attitude toward government intervention, while the simulation involving social representation activates the attitude toward groups. Discussion of the findings focuses on the dilemma of group claims for minority representation in a liberal democratic context and the need for better understanding of attitudes toward groups among political elites.


1951 ◽  
Vol 45 (1) ◽  
pp. 69-85 ◽  
Author(s):  
Oliver Garceau

A discipline, like an individual, may in some measure be known by the dilemmas it keeps, or more properly by the manner in which it keeps them.A central conceptual controversy, probably inescapable for political scientists because of their disciplinary heritage, is that involved in perceiving uniformities in behavior, describing recurring patterns, identifying the determinants and yet reconciling this effort and its underlying premises about the roots of behavior with the liberal, democratic faith in man's individual capacity to determine his own ends, to think rationally and to reach individual and creative decisions. On this faith rests the political structure of rights, the machinery of the democratic electorate, the party system and the values of the constitutional democratic state whose political process we are concerned to describe and analyze. Cultural anthropologists, social psychologists of many disciplinary schools, hard-boiled “realists” in political science, have recently drawn back from determinist or whole-heartedly relativist positions. Some are concerned that political science, in a fresh enthusiasm for empirical research, may become so engrossed with uniformities and determinants that it will obscure or abandon the normative commitments of a democratic polity.


1992 ◽  
Vol 44 (3) ◽  
pp. 369-397 ◽  
Author(s):  
Masaru Kohno

Over the last two decades there have been numerous changes in the organization of the ruling Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) in Japan. The pattern of factionalization has changed significantly in terms of the number of competing major factions, the average size of their membership, and their internal structure. Moreover, a new set of institutionalized norms, such as the seniority and interfactional balancing principles, has emerged to govern organizational processes within the LDP. The conventional approach in the literature on Japanese politics, which focuses on factors unique or distinctive to Japanese history, culture, and social behavior, cannot adequately explain these recent changes in the LDP. This paper proposes an alternative, rational-choice explanation based on the standard microanalytic assumptions. More specifically, it argues that the pattern of the LDP's factionalization is primarily determined by the electoral incentives of two sets of rational actors, LDP politicians and LDP supporters, operating under institutional constraints, such as electoral laws and political funding regulations. It also argues that the organizational norms originate in the promotion incentives of the LDP politicians whose strategies are influenced by the uncertainty in the dynamics of the interfactional political process.


Author(s):  
R A Duff ◽  
S E Marshall

This chapter explores the role that criminal law might play in combating “hatred,” in particular whether and why we might appropriately criminalize “hatred.” After sketching some salient features of a liberal, democratic republic (as the kind of polity in which we can aspire to live, and whose citizens can be expected to be committed to combating “hatred”), we explain why a certain kind of “hatred” should concern members of such a polity, as a distinctive civic vice manifested in a distinctive kind of civic wrong. We then discuss the limited but significant role that criminal law can play, in principle, in responding to such hatred, and say a little about the difficulties involved in turning “in principle” into “in practice,” particularly those concerning offense definitions.


2022 ◽  
pp. 148-162
Author(s):  
Shamiso Samantha Mutape ◽  
Jeffrey Kurebwa

The study aimed to investigate the impact of COVID-19 on peacekeeping operations in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). The study relied on qualitative methodology while data was gathered through key informant interviews and documentary search. The COVID-19 pandemic has worsened the humanitarian situation in the DRC. This has seen rising unemployment, political instability, and domestic violence being witnessed. The pandemic has fuelled geopolitical friction. Peacekeeping missions are necessitated by the need to facilitate and monitor the political process, protect civilians, assist in the disarmament, demobilization, and reintegration of former combatants and support the organization of elections, protect, and promote human security. If peacekeeping operations are disrupted, there will be chaos, abuse, and forced displacement of people among the region and internationally. It can be concluded that the pandemic has negatively affected peacekeeping operations in the DRC.


Author(s):  
Tom Sorell ◽  
John Guelke

This chapter considers an array of new technologies developed for bulk collection and data analysis that are sometimes connected by critics with mass surveillance. While the use of such technologies can be compatible with democratic principles, the NSA’s system of bulk collection has been likened to that practised by the Stasi in the former German Democratic Republic. Drawing on Pettit’s concept of domination, we dispute the comparison, conceding nevertheless that bulk collection carries risks of intrusion, error, and damage to trust. Allowing that some surveillance is bound to be secret, we insist that secrecy must be limited, and subject to democratic oversight. Even if NSA-type surveillance is not a modern reincarnation of Stasi oppression failures of oversight make it objectionable from the perspective of democratic theory. More generally, surveillance technologies interfere with individual autonomy, which liberal democratic states are committed to protecting, whether the agent making use of them is a state or private company.


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