A Region of Fragments

Power Lines ◽  
2014 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew Needham
Keyword(s):  
New Deal ◽  
Electric Energy ◽  
Industrial Modernity ◽  
The Creation ◽  
Navajo Reservation ◽  
Franklin Roosevelt ◽  
The New Deal

This chapter looks at the construction of Boulder Dam. Franklin Roosevelt explained the dam as a manifestation of the transformations the New Deal had set in motion. “The largest generators and turbines yet installed in this country, machinery that can continuously supply nearly two million horsepower of electric energy,” Roosevelt explained, would soon “power factory motors, street and household lights and irrigation pumps.” In so doing, the dam's energy would transform the region and the nation at large; it would create industrial modernity. Ultimately, the construction of Boulder Dam, and the politics surrounding it, signaled a change. It suggested that efforts to turn the energy of the river to human purposes had begun to tie the fates of Phoenix and the Navajo Reservation together. Indeed, Boulder Dam had begun the creation of a new region.

scholarly journals The Long Exception: Rethinking the Place of the New Deal in American History

2008 ◽  
Vol 74 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-32 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jefferson Cowie ◽  
Nick Salvatore
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Welfare State ◽  
New Deal ◽  
American History ◽  
American Politics ◽  
Class Relations ◽  
The Great Depression ◽  
Franklin Roosevelt ◽  
The New Deal ◽  
The Welfare State

Abstract“The Long Exception” examines the period from Franklin Roosevelt to the end of the twentieth century and argues that the New Deal was more of an historical aberration—a byproduct of the massive crisis of the Great Depression—than the linear triumph of the welfare state. The depth of the Depression undoubtedly forced the realignment of American politics and class relations for decades, but, it is argued, there is more continuity in American politics between the periods before the New Deal order and those after its decline than there is between the postwar era and the rest of American history. Indeed, by the early seventies the arc of American history had fallen back upon itself. While liberals of the seventies and eighties waited for a return to what they regarded as the normality of the New Deal order, they were actually living in the final days of what Paul Krugman later called the “interregnum between Gilded Ages.” The article examines four central themes in building this argument: race, religion, class, and individualism.

Franklin Roosevelt and the Modern Presidency

1992 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 322-358 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephen Skowronek
Keyword(s):  
New Deal ◽  
Presidential Leadership ◽  
The Political ◽  
American Government ◽  
Modern Presidency ◽  
Political Foundations ◽  
Franklin Roosevelt ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
The New Deal

The political foundations of the modern presidency were laid during the New Deal years. Franklin Roosevelt was the New Deal president. The relationship between these two facts is a matter of some consequence. On it hinges our understanding of presidential leadership and modern American government generally, not to mention the political significance of Roosevelt himself.

A New Deal for Florida

2019 ◽  
pp. 18-32
Author(s):  
David J. Nelson
Keyword(s):  
Great Depression ◽  
New Deal ◽  
Civilian Conservation Corps ◽  
The Great Depression ◽  
The Creation ◽  
The New Deal

Chapter 2 explores both the nation’s and Florida’s reaction to the Great Depression, resulting in the New Deal and the creation of the Civilian Conservation Corps.

The Forgotten Legacy of the New Deal: Fiscal Conservatism and the Roosevelt Administration, 1933–1938

2012 ◽  
Author(s):  
Julian E. Zelizer
Keyword(s):  
Fiscal Policy ◽  
New Deal ◽  
State Building ◽  
Roosevelt Administration ◽  
Federal Initiatives ◽  
Franklin Roosevelt ◽  
Fiscal Conservatism ◽  
The New Deal

This chapter examines fiscal conservatism under the Roosevelt administration. Fiscal conservatism has been linked to liberalism since the construction of the New Deal state. Indeed, a pragmatic alliance between liberals and moderate fiscal conservatives has played a key role in some of the most durable state-building efforts in U.S. history. This alliance produced bold federal initiatives in a nation historically resistant to centralized government. Building on the work of James Savage and David Kennedy, this chapter argues that fiscal conservatism constituted a key component of the New Deal during the years 1933–1938. It looks at two members of the administration who maintained pressure on Franklin Roosevelt to balance budgets: Lewis Douglas, who served as Director of Budget from 1933 to 1934, and Henry Morgenthau Jr., secretary of the treasury from 1934 to 1945. The chapter concludes with an assessment of Roosevelt's fiscal policy in relation to Keynesianism.

A New Deal for the New Frontier

2018 ◽  
pp. 50-89
Author(s):  
Thomas Tunstall Allcock
Keyword(s):  
Latin American ◽  
New Deal ◽  
Scientific Theories ◽  
Development Decade ◽  
New Frontier ◽  
American Policy ◽  
The Creation ◽  
Social Scientific ◽  
The New Deal

This chapter studies the tumultuous period 1960–1964, focusing largely on developments in Washington, and incorporating analysis of Kennedy’s management of the Alliance and Lyndon Johnson’s tragic elevation to the presidency. In studying Johnson’s and Mann’s difficult relationships with Kennedy’s key Latin American aides, deep divisions within the administration are revealed that would have damaging consequences in the coming years. Long-simmering tensions would boil over following Mann’s appointment as head of Latin American policy, culminating in the creation of the “Mann Doctrine,” which critics of the administration claimed signaled the death of the Alliance. The clashes between New Frontier advocates of social-scientific theories of modernization and the New Deal liberalism of Johnson and Mann shed important new light on the planning and implementation of America’s “development decade.”

The Third American Conservation Movement: New Implications for Public Policy

1971 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 155-171 ◽  
Author(s):  
Timothy O'Riordan
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Public Policy ◽  
Twentieth Century ◽  
New Deal ◽  
The United States ◽  
Conservation Movement ◽  
The Third ◽  
Franklin Roosevelt ◽  
The New Deal ◽  
American Nation

The American nation is presently caught in the throes of its third conservation movement. It is generally considered that the first American conservation movement in the United States took place during the period 1890–1920, with particular emphasis upon the first decade of the twentieth century, and the second was associated with the New Deal and subsequent policies of Franklin Roosevelt in the period 1933–43. The aim of this paper is to compare the development and the underlying philosophies of the present conservation movement in the United States with the growth and guiding principles of its two predecessors, and to follow this analysis through with a somewhat more normative examination of various implications for public policy which come to light.

scholarly journals The Politics of Administrative Law: New York's Anti-Bureaucracy Clause and the O'Brian-Wagner Campaign of 1938

2009 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 331-372 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel R. Ernst
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
Federal Government ◽  
New Deal ◽  
Attorney General ◽  
Administrative Law ◽  
The State ◽  
National Scale ◽  
Constitutional Convention ◽  
Franklin Roosevelt ◽  
The New Deal

In April 1938 New York's first constitutional convention since 1915 convened in Albany. When it adjourned in late August, one of the amendments slated for a referendum that fall was an “anti-bureaucracy clause,” a provision that would greatly increase the New York courts' oversight of the state's agencies. Although voters rejected it, contemporaries saw the anti-bureaucracy clause as a harbinger of a national campaign against the New Deal. In September 1938 Charles Wyzanski, a former member of the Solicitor General's office, warned Attorney General Homer Cummings that the anti-bureaucracy clause was “the advance signal of an approaching partisan attack on a national scale.” Wyzanski was right: in early 1939 a bill endorsed by the American Bar Association's House of Delegates was introduced in Congress by Representative Francis Walter and Senator Marvel Mills Logan. Just as the New York provision “would have almost certainly destroyed the effectiveness of the state administrative agencies,” the New Dealer Abe Feller warned Cummings's successor, so would the Walter-Logan bill hamstring the federal government. When President Franklin Roosevelt vetoed the bill in December 1940, he declared it part of a national campaign that had begun with the anti-bureaucracy clause.

The Anti-New Deal Progressive: Roscoe Pound's Alternative Administrative State

2012 ◽  
Vol 74 (1) ◽  
pp. 53-85 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joseph Postell
Keyword(s):  
New Deal ◽  
Administrative State ◽  
Progressive Movement ◽  
Recent Scholarship ◽  
Form Of Government ◽  
Administrative Agencies ◽  
The Creation ◽  
The New Deal ◽  
Legal Theorist

AbstractRecent scholarship has linked the rise of the Progressive movement in America to the creation of an “administrative state”—a form of government where legislative, executive, and judicial powers are delegated into the hands of administrative agencies which compose a “headless fourth branch of government.” This form of government was largely constructed during the New Deal period. The influential legal theorist Roscoe Pound provides the paradoxical example of a Progressive who balked at the New Deal. While many commentators have concluded that Pound's opposition to the New Deal was based on a departure from his earlier Progressive thought, his opposition was in fact based on a consistent Progressive philosophy. Pound therefore provided a vision of an alternative administrative state, which would achieve the ends of the Progressive vision but without the means of the administrative state.

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