An Alternative Measure of Political Trust

Author(s):  
Joseph Gershtenson ◽  
Dennis L. Plane

This chapter presents a critique of the standard ANES political trust question, and proposes a percentage measure as an alternative. Given the wide-ranging consequences of political trust, there is understandably a considerable body of scholarly work outlining the determinants of trust. Despite this attention, there remains no consensus on how to measure the underlying concept. The chapter seeks to address this by first analyzing the flaws in the ANES trust question and then using an alternative trust item included on the 2006 ANES Pilot Study to assess different trust measures. These analyses indicate that while neither trust indicator predicts turnout nor vote choice, the percentage measure outperforms the standard trust question in predicting policy attitudes.

Author(s):  
Stephen T. Mockabee ◽  
Kenneth D. Wald ◽  
David C. Leege

This chapter analyzes several new religiosity items. While standard survey measures of religiosity typically are associated with right-leaning political orientations, this chapter argues that these measures are incapable of capturing the communitarian dimension of religiosity that may hold more meaning for liberal citizens. The 2006 ANES Pilot Study included questions to assess both the individualistic and communitarian elements of religiosity. Consistent with this chapter's expectations, these two dimensions of religiosity are distinct, exhibiting opposite relationships to partisan identification. The chapter's analyses further demonstrate that the two dimensions of religiosity have distinct, and substantial, influences on social policy attitudes and vote choice.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-19
Author(s):  
JAE YOUNG LIM ◽  
KUK-KYOUNG MOON

Abstract Despite the importance of public transport for urban vitality, social equity, and mobility, the discussions surrounding these topics have become heated ideological battles between liberals and conservatives in the United States, as in other countries. Conservatives, in particular, have exhibited anti-transit attitudes that have worked against the development of public transport. Scholars note that political trust functions as a heuristic and its impact is felt more strongly among individuals who face ideological risks with respect to a given public policy. Based on several studies noting the relationships between political trust, ideology and policy attitudes, the study employs the pooled data of the 2010 and 2014 General Social Surveys. It finds that conservatives are negatively associated with supporting spending on public transport, but when contingent upon high levels of political trust, they become more supportive of it. The study discusses the potential of political trust as a mechanism to influence public policy discourses as well as certain methodological and substantive limitations.


1999 ◽  
Vol 93 (2) ◽  
pp. 311-326 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marc J. Hetherington

Scholars have consistently demonstrated that no link exists between declining political trust and declining turnout, but they have paid less attention to the effect of trust on vote choice. In an era characterized by declining trust, the incumbent party has lost, and third parties have strongly contested, four of the last eight presidential elections. Such outcomes are historically anomalous. This study demonstrates that declining political trust affects vote choice, but the electoral beneficiary differs according to electoral context. In two-candidate races, politically distrustful voters support candidates from the nonincumbent major party. In races with three viable candidates, third-party alternatives benefit from declining political trust at the expense of both major parties.


2021 ◽  
pp. 073112142199005
Author(s):  
Jukka Sivonen ◽  
Iida Kukkonen

We explore the relationship between welfare regime and climate policy attitudes. The synergy hypothesis suggests that social and environmental policies can reinforce each other. Thus, more universal and generous welfare state model (i.e., welfare regime) is said to provide especially fertile ground for advancing climate policies. Using multilevel modeling and European Social Survey Round 8 data (including 23 countries in Europe and Israel), we test whether this hypothesis applies at the attitudinal level. Moreover, we hypothesize that country-level political trust predicts support for climate policy instruments. The study focuses on three instruments: fossil fuel taxation, subsidizing renewable energy, and banning energy-inefficient household appliances. The results indicate that welfare regime is significantly related to attitudes toward taxation, but less significantly toward subsidizing and banning. Political trust predicted support for all instruments, but the effect was particularly strong for taxation. The results highlight the importance of welfare structures in climate politics.


Author(s):  
Janine Little ◽  
Danielle Tyson

Filicide is the deliberate act of a parent killing a child. Despite its low occurrence, filicide is one of the most emotive offenses for a public audience. The murder of a child by their own parent challenges many of our fundamental expectations about the role of parenthood, prompting a sense of horror, outrage, and deep distress: It violates the idea of parental instincts as a protection for children. While maternal and paternal filicide is committed in roughly equal numbers, historically, filicide has been regarded as a female crime. However, media coverage of mothers who commit filicide differs from coverage of fathers who commit the same crime. Infanticidal mothers in particular have a long history of being demonized by the media and in popular culture. Research shows that this is partly because such events shatter expected feminine and maternal norms. Despite the considerable body of scholarly work conducted in this area of crime and media culture, there were few studies of filicide in Australia until recently. As a consequence, the media’s portrayal of these tragic cases is to treat them as “inexplicable” while also attempting to find an explanation, most often through stereotyping, simplification, or rationalization.


2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 307-325
Author(s):  
Sarah Engler

AbstractNew centrist anti-establishment parties (CAPs) are successful competitors in Central and Eastern Europe. Due to their emphasis on anti-establishment rhetoric and a moderate ideological platform, their breakthrough is usually explained by voters’ dissatisfaction with existing parties. However, little is known about the ideological component of their support. Expectations on the impact of ideology on vote choice in the protest voting literature range from ‘pure protest voting’, which denies any impact of ideology, to a more moderate approach, which combines protest and ideological considerations. Using survey data, I confirm that CAPs attract voters with lower levels of political trust, but ideology also matters. The degree of ideological sorting, however, varies. While some CAPs mainly attract voters from one side of the political spectrum, others attract voters from the left to the right more equally. The differences in the initial composition of their electorates have implications for the parties’ future.


2008 ◽  
Vol 89 (5) ◽  
pp. 1066-1085 ◽  
Author(s):  
David M. Konisky ◽  
Jeffrey Milyo ◽  
Lilliard E. Richardson

1973 ◽  
Vol 37 (11) ◽  
pp. 27-31 ◽  
Author(s):  
G Salvendy ◽  
WM Hinton ◽  
GW Ferguson ◽  
PR Cunningham

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