scholarly journals Centrist anti-establishment parties and their protest voters: more than a superficial romance?

2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 307-325
Author(s):  
Sarah Engler
Keyword(s):  
Eastern Europe ◽  
Central And Eastern Europe ◽  
Political Trust ◽  
Vote Choice ◽  
The Political ◽  
Initial Composition ◽  
Political Spectrum ◽  
The Right ◽  
Protest Voters ◽  
The Impact

AbstractNew centrist anti-establishment parties (CAPs) are successful competitors in Central and Eastern Europe. Due to their emphasis on anti-establishment rhetoric and a moderate ideological platform, their breakthrough is usually explained by voters’ dissatisfaction with existing parties. However, little is known about the ideological component of their support. Expectations on the impact of ideology on vote choice in the protest voting literature range from ‘pure protest voting’, which denies any impact of ideology, to a more moderate approach, which combines protest and ideological considerations. Using survey data, I confirm that CAPs attract voters with lower levels of political trust, but ideology also matters. The degree of ideological sorting, however, varies. While some CAPs mainly attract voters from one side of the political spectrum, others attract voters from the left to the right more equally. The differences in the initial composition of their electorates have implications for the parties’ future.

scholarly journals THE IMPACT OF GLOBALIZATION TO CREATIVE INDUSTRIES: THE ANALYSIS OF FILM INDUSTRIES OF CENTRAL AND EASTERN EUROPE

2015 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 64-74 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tomas Mitkus ◽  
Vaida Nedzinskaitė-Mitkė
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Eastern Europe ◽  
Central And Eastern Europe ◽  
Film Industry ◽  
Creative Industries ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Qualitative Changes

This paper explores changes of the political, legal, taxation and other circumstances in film industries of Central and Eastern Europe that kick-started qualitative changes over the last decade. Research conducted by European Union (EU) on European film industry suggests that in terms of film industry Central and Eastern Europe region at this stage is generally non-competitive and not commercially orientated. We argue that the region filmmakers systematic believe in concept that film art and film business is a combination of polar opposites is a key reason that holds back industry’s potential to make a considerable economical and cultural contribution to national prosperity.

scholarly journals The Populist phenomena and the reasons for their success in Hungary

2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (s1) ◽  
pp. 23-45
Author(s):  
Viktor Glied
Keyword(s):  
Eastern Europe ◽  
Western Europe ◽  
Central And Eastern Europe ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
The Political ◽  
Main Theme ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
Essential Question ◽  
The Right

AbstractAfter the parliamentary elections in 2014, the weakened legitimacy of the Hungarian government could be re-established through activism in migration issues. Fidesz-KDNP that won elections twice already highlighted migration as the main theme of governance from 2014 to 2018, suppressing every other topic on the political agenda. The position that was established for purposes of the Hungarian domestic situation and politics initially faced intense rejections all over Europe, but then garnered some supporters as well, mostly in post-socialist Central and Eastern Europe, and to a smaller extent among the right-wing and populist parties of Western Europe. The anti-refugee and populist approach caused significant success in the communication field to the subscribing parties and governments, and also legitimised Hungarian government’s efforts that could mean it met the majority of the Hungarian society’s expectations. The most essential question is that how can political science reshape its terms and thoughts on populism to understand this phenomenon better, moreover what are the reasons of populism and why is the populist propaganda such successful in Hungary and Eastern Europe.

Does politics matter? Partisan FDI in Central and Eastern Europe

2016 ◽  
Vol 24 (4) ◽  
pp. 375-398 ◽  
Author(s):  
Viatcheslav Avioutskii ◽  
Mouloud Tensaout
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
Eastern Europe ◽  
Central And Eastern Europe ◽  
National Level ◽  
The Political ◽  
Theoretical Argument ◽  
Fdi Inflows ◽  
Content Type ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Determinants Of Fdi

Purpose While many studies have investigated the impact of institutional factors (i.e. financial risk factors) in the host country on inward foreign direct investment (FDI), fewer studies have researched on the locational aspects of FDI in relation to the political economy. This paper aims to fill this gap by examining the effects of the political economy on inward FDI in Poland’s regions and in other CEE (Central and Eastern Europe) countries. Design/methodology/approach The paper develops a theoretical argument postulating that political economy affects locational determinants of FDI inflow. To test this hypothesis empirically, several analyses were performed at the national level (Poland, Bulgaria, Romania, Slovakia and the Czech Republic) and at the subnational level (Poland’s provinces). First, the “footloose” nature of FDI inflows using the time series analysis was examined. Then a fixed-effect panel data regression model and a dynamic adjustment model to quantify the impact of political ideology and agglomeration effects were performed. Findings After controlling for economic and institutional determinants of FDI, the findings indicate that, in transitional economies, ideology affects the locational choice of multinational corporations (MNCs). At the national level, the results show that political risk, liberalization and economic reforms are important drivers of FDI inflows. At the subnational level, the vote for a liberal party positively affects the distribution of FDI in the provinces. Another finding is that electoral cycles also affect FDI inflows at regional levels in Poland. Finally, this study provides some supporting evidence for the “footloose” nature of FDI in case of external shocks. Originality/value This study contributes to the literature on the locational determinants of FDI by showing that ideology constitutes an important factor for locational choices by MNCs. The findings have important implications for public policy decision-makers who are seeking to improve the attractiveness of their country or region as an FDI destination.

scholarly journals National Self-Determination, as Understood by Lenin and the Bolsheviks

2008 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 21-39
Author(s):  
Rudolf A. Mark
Keyword(s):  
Eastern Europe ◽  
Crucial Role ◽  
Central And Eastern Europe ◽  
Self Determination ◽  
The Political ◽  
World War ◽  
World War One ◽  
Bolshevik Revolution ◽  
Before And After ◽  
The Right

The article gives an abridged introduction to the genesis of the term ‘right to self-determination’ from the mid-nineteenth century. It also illustrates the term’s usage before and after the Bolshevik Revolution. The right to self-determination played a crucial role in the political discourse of socialist parties in Central and Eastern Europe on the eve of World War One. The Bolsheviks made use of the term as a slogan to fight imperialism and to make non-Russian nationalities side with the Soviet project of establishing the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics.

Building Trust and Democracy

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cynthia M. Horne
Keyword(s):  
Eastern Europe ◽  
Transitional Justice ◽  
Former Soviet Union ◽  
Central And Eastern Europe ◽  
Social Trust ◽  
Historical Memory ◽  
Political Trust ◽  
Trust Building ◽  
Change Mechanisms ◽  
The Impact

Did transitional justice support the processes of political and social trust building and facilitate democratization in the post-communist transitions in Central and Eastern Europe? More specifically, how did the structure and implementation of transitional justice affect outcomes? This book examines the conditions under which lustration and related transitional justice measures affected political and social trust building and democratization across twelve countries in Central and Eastern Europe and parts of the Former Soviet Union between 1989 and 2012. Contrary to blanket claims about the benefits or problems with the use of lustration and public disclosure measures, I argue that these transitional justice measures had a differentiated impact on political and social trust building, supporting some aspects of political trust while undermining other aspects of social trust. Using an original transitional justice typology, this book combines quantitative analyses of twelve post-communist countries and comparative case studies of four transitional justice programs—Hungary’s, Romania’s, Poland’s, and Bulgaria’s—to explicate transitional justice and trust-building dynamics. The book shows that the impact of transitional justice measures was conditional on their structure, scope, timing, and implementation, with particular attention to regime complicity challenges, historical memory issues, and communist legacies. More expansive and compulsory institutional change mechanisms registered the largest effects, with more limited and non-compulsoryemployment change mechanisms having a diminished effect, and more informal and largely symbolic measures having the most attenuated effect. These differentiated and conditional effects were also evident with respect to transition goals like supporting democratic consolidation, improving government effectiveness, and reducing corruption.

Migration and democracy in central and eastern Europe

2003 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 483-502 ◽  
Author(s):  
Simon James Tonelli
Keyword(s):  
Eastern Europe ◽  
Central And Eastern Europe ◽  
Population Control ◽  
Transitional Period ◽  
Political Transition ◽  
Labour Migration ◽  
Soviet Bloc ◽  
The Political ◽  
The European Union ◽  
The Impact

Amidst the political changes that swept through central and eastern Europe following the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989, the right to migrate was synonymous in the minds of many with the establishment of democracy. Although the political transition of the 1990s was preceded in some countries by a relaxation of their strict exit regimes, these were only minor measures in comparison with the profound changes to the system of population control ushered in by the political transition to democracy. A mosaic of migration patterns (ethnically based migrations, return migration, labour migration, transit migration) gathered pace during the 1990s throughout the vast region of the former Soviet bloc. As conflict and war broke out in different areas, notably in the Caucasus and south-east Europe, these migratory movements were inflated by huge numbers of refugees, asylum-seekers and displaced persons. The newly independent states underpinned their political transition towards democracy, the rule of law and the protection of human rights through membership of the Council of Europe and ratification of international conventions which included important guarantees for the rights and protection of migrants and their families. In May 2004, eight of these countries will join the European Union and after a transitional period become integral parts of the internal labour market with their populations enjoying the full freedom of movement rights of EC law. This article outlines the major migration trends in central and eastern Europe since the extension of democracy across the continent, highlights different aspects of labour migration in the region, including the impact of EU enlargement, and refers to some integration issues. This description is preceded by a series of brief historical, political and legal perspectives.

„Wojna ducha” na Wschodzie. Propaganda i nauka w służbie ruchów narodowych

2019 ◽  
Vol 62 (4 (463)) ◽  
pp. 111-133
Author(s):  
Włodzimierz Borodziej ◽  
Maciej Górny
Keyword(s):  
World War I ◽  
Eastern Europe ◽  
Central And Eastern Europe ◽  
The Political ◽  
World War ◽  
National Movements ◽  
Science And Culture ◽  
Professional Science ◽  
The Right ◽  
Informational Value

The article discusses the issue of the political involvement of people of science and culture in Central and Eastern Europe during World War I and in the immediate aftermath. In comparison with the phenomenon of the “war of the spirits” known in the historiography, so far observed mainly in France, Germany and Great Britain, the regional variation of this phenomenon was characterized by a greater informational value and a stronger relationship between journalistic writing and professional science. In particular, the representatives of such disciplines as physical (racial) anthropology and geography in the service of their national movements and governments engaged the whole arsenal of scientific means of persuasion: they used the language of a particular science, created coherent and logical, formally correct theories, argued, while maintaining the appropriate forms, with ideological opponents. These features of the discourse, among other things, contributed to the viability of their scientific theories from World War I, which – unlike analogous creations of Western European luminaries of art and science – still retain the right to exist in a professional academic and journalistic communities in Central and Eastern Europe.

Here there Be Tygers: Profit, Non-profit, and Loss in the Age of Disintermediation

1997 ◽  
Vol 22 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Jensen
Keyword(s):  
Eastern Europe ◽  
Social Institutions ◽  
Scholarly Publishing ◽  
The Political ◽  
Quality Information ◽  
High Quality ◽  
Non Profit ◽  
High Quality Information ◽  
Europe De L’Est ◽  
The Impact

Abstract: Scholarly publishing and access to high-quality information may in fact be threatened, rather than improved, by the revolution in communications, particularly in a fully commercial Internet. The effects of the political revolution in Eastern Europe on scholarship and quality publishing are used as a touchstone of the dangers that occur when naïve revolutionaries make swift changes without fully recognizing the impact upon delicately balanced social institutions such as non-profit organizations. Résumé: La révolution en communications, particulièrement en ce qui regarde un Internet commercialisé, plutôt que d'améliorer l'édition savante et l'accès à de l'information de haute qualité, pourrait en fait poser une menace pour ceux-ci. Cet article examine comment la révolution politique en Europe de l'Est a influé sur la recherche et l'édition de qualité. Il utilise cet exemple pour examiner les dangers que peuvent courir certains révolutionnaires naïfs quand ils instaurent des changements rapides san songer à leur impact sur des institutions sociales à équilibre délicat comme les organisations à but non lucratif.

Regaining Control? The Political Impact of Policy Responses to Refugee Crises

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-34
Author(s):  
Omer Solodoch
Keyword(s):  
Public Opinion ◽  
Causal Effect ◽  
Political Trust ◽  
Sampling Period ◽  
The Political ◽  
Government Control ◽  
Policy Responses ◽  
Immigration And Asylum ◽  
Border Controls ◽  
The Impact

Abstract In response to the political turmoil surrounding the recent refugee crisis, destination countries swiftly implemented new immigration and asylum policies. Are such countercrisis policies effective in mitigating political instability by reducing anti-immigrant backlash and support for radical-right parties? The present study exploits two surveys that were coincidentally fielded during significant policy changes, sampling respondents right before and immediately after the change. I employ a regression discontinuity design to identify the short-term causal effect of the policy change on public opinion within a narrow window of the sampling period. The findings show that both Swedish border controls and the EU–Turkey agreement significantly reduced public opposition to immigration in Sweden and Germany, respectively. In Germany, support for the AfD party also decreased following the new policy. Public opinion time trends suggest that the policy effects were short lived in Sweden but durable in Germany. These effects are similar across different levels of proximity to the border and are accompanied by increasing political trust and a sense of government control over the situation. The findings have implications for understanding the impact of border controls on international public opinion, as well as for assessing the electoral effect of policy responses to global refugee crises.

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