Haciendas and Plantations

Author(s):  
Tore C. Olsson

Seeking to illustrate the unacknowledged footprints of the rural New Deal on 1930s' agrarismo, this chapter follows two intersecting avenues of exchange. First, it explores how the architects of Mexico's land reform sought guidance and inspiration in the New Deal's evolving program of rural social transformation. This exchange was at once formal and informal, practical and symbolic. It manifested itself in countless Mexican bureaucratic requests for New Deal publications, circulars, and bulletins, but also in the direct solicitation of US personnel to staff key Cardenista projects. Second, it considers the New Dealer in Mexico whose sympathies and solidarity contributed most significantly to the success of the Cardenista program: the US ambassador to Mexico from 1933 to 1942, Josephus Daniels.

Author(s):  
Yangyang Ji

Abstract Eggertsson (2012, American Economic Review, 102, 524–55) finds that when the nominal interest rate hits the zero lower bound, the aggregate demand (AD) curve becomes upward-sloping and supply-side policies that reduce the natural rate of output, such as the New Deal implemented in the 1930s, are expansionary. His analysis is restricted to a conventional equilibrium where the AD curve is steeper than the aggregate supply (AS) curve. Recent research, however, demonstrates that an alternative equilibrium arises if the AD curve is flatter than the AS curve. In that case, the same policies become contractionary. In this article, I allow for both possibilities, and let data decide which equilibrium the US economy actually resided in during the Great Depression. Following the work of Blanchard and Quah (1989, American Economic Review, 79, 655–73), I find that there is a high probability that New Deal policies were contractionary. (JEL codes: E32, E52, E62, N12).


1989 ◽  
Vol 21 (3) ◽  
pp. 453-480 ◽  
Author(s):  
Piero Gleijeses

The cry for land is, without any doubt, the loudest, the most dramatic and the most desperate sound in Guatemala.’ So wrote the Guatemalan bishops in 1988. In their country's long history, the bishops stated, only one president – Jacobo Arbenz – had addressed the issue of land reform.1 Inaugurated in 1951, Arbenz presided over the most successful agrarian reform in the history of Central America. The reports of the US embassy bear testimony to the fact that within eighteen months land was distributed to 100,000 peasant families, amid little violence and without adversely affecting production.2 Praise for initiating the reform does not belong, however, solely to Arbenz. As his wife observed, ‘Alone, he could not have done it’. Praise should also be given to the Communist party of Guatemala, whose leaders were Arbenz's closest personal and political friends.3


2021 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Tara Bartlett ◽  
Daniel Schugurensky

This year we remember three centennials that inspire many progressive educators around the world. First, 2021 marks the 100th anniversary of the creation of Summerhill, one of the first experiments (if not the first) on school democracy in the world. Second, this year we celebrate the 100th birthday of Edgar Morin, a French sociologist and philosopher who dedicated his life to the pursuit of social justice and made insightful contributions to the role of education to promote democracy, equality, social transformation, and sustainability (see, for instance, Morin 2002). Third, this year marks the 100th anniversary of the birth of Paulo Freire (1921-1997), one of the most influential educational thinkers of the second half of the 20th century. Given space constraints and the theme of this special issue of CICE, in this paper we will focus on the connections between some of Paulo Freire’s ideas (particularly those related to citizenship education and school democracy) and a process known as School Participatory Budgeting. “I don't want to be followed; I want to be reinvented”, Paulo Freire said on several occasions. It is in this spirit that we approach this paper. Inspired by Freire’s ideas, and especially by his practice as an educator in Brazil (both before his exile and after his return), in this paper we discuss the recent development and expansion of a process known as School Participatory Budgeting (School PB). This model emanates from Freire’s project of Escola Cidadã, which constitutes an interesting school- or district-wide experience from the global south that can be adapted to many contexts. Since its modest origins in Brazil, School PB has now been taken up in other cities and states across the US (e.g. Chicago, New York) and in many other countries across the globe, from Argentina and Mexico to Colombia, Spain, Russia, France, Italy, Zambia, South Korea, and Portugal. We argue that School PB aligns well with Freire’s ideas on dialogue, participation, collaboration, creativity, student agency, and change. In this paper we focus on the experience of School PB in Arizona, not only because it was in Arizona where the first School PB process in the U.S. was designed and implemented, but also because it has been a place for continuous experimentation and innovation.


Author(s):  
Stuard Holland

One of the premises of rising neoliberalism from the 1980s had been the claim of Ronald Reagan that government is the problem not the solution, readily endorsed, in parallel, by Margaret Thatcher on coming into government. Drawing on a range of international examples this paper shows that this was utterly uninformed, that deregulation of finance in the US led to the worst financial crisis in 2008 since 1929 and that Thatcher's scrapping of the 1970s Labour governments' industrial policy instruments led to major de-industrialisation in the UK which influenced the 'No' vote in the 2016 referendum on whether Britain should remain in the European Union. While the US nonetheless pursued an industrial policy by stealth which promoted a range of advanced technology corporations and that Germany, embodying liberal market principles after WW2, recently has endorsed the case for not only a German but also European industrial policy and led in advocating a European Green New Deal modelled on the Roosevelt New Deal which recovered the US from The Depression of the early 1930s and convinced Truman to support the Marshall Aid programme that also recovered Western Europe after the cataclysm of WW2.


Subject US renewable energy. Significance Billionaire businessman and former New York Mayor Michael Bloomberg announced earlier this month that he will not seek the US presidency in 2020, instead creating the initiative Beyond Carbon to focus on climate change. The announcement comes amid rising interest in the ‘Green New Deal’ (GND), a resolution in Congress that espouses widespread decarbonisation of the US economy, including providing climate-friendly jobs and compensating those transitioning out of fossil fuel-related sectors. Impacts The cost of wind energy will drop if machine learning can consistently predict weather patterns more accurately to within hours. Nuclear energy’s place in carbon-free energy will be contentious; most likely, new plants will not be built. The 2020 presidential race will see the GND embraced by most Democrats, but that does not guarantee the GND’s enactment. If voters come to support green energy, they will likely pressure firms via purchasing decisions to be greener.


PLoS ONE ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 11 (10) ◽  
pp. e0163685 ◽  
Author(s):  
Katherine A. Spielmann ◽  
Matthew A. Peeples ◽  
Donna M. Glowacki ◽  
Andrew Dugmore

Guatemala’s armed conflict was one of the longest and bloodiest in modern Latin American history. It spanned decades of organizing by peasant, indigenous, student, religious, and workers’ organizations, along with several armed revolutionary groups—motivated by anti-imperialism, land reform, equality, and social democracy—that were all violently opposed by a fascistic military dictatorship backed by national elites and the US government. Its nadir was a brutal scorched-earth campaign in 1981–1983, during which the army killed tens of thousands, displaced over a million, and committed hundreds of massacres in order to divide guerrilla organizations from their civilian base in the indigenous western highlands....


Congress ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 37-77
Author(s):  
Benjamin Ginsberg ◽  
Kathryn Wagner Hill

This chapter examines the history of the US Congress. It pays particular attention to issues of constituency, congressional organization, and the ways in which Congress and the executive have dealt with their constitutional invitation to struggle. Focusing on political changes outside Congress and institutional changes within Congress, the history of the legislative branch can be divided into six political eras. These are the Federalist and Jeffersonian eras, the Jacksonian era, the Civil War Congress, the Republican era, the “New Deal” and postwar period, and the contemporary period of congressional gridlock and presidential unilateralism. During each of these periods, the chapter highlights examples of congressional successes and achievements, but the overall picture is one of institutional retrocession.


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