Holy Nations?

2019 ◽  
pp. 36-56
Author(s):  
Brian Stanley
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
The Other ◽  
Nation State ◽  
National Liberation ◽  
Western Thought ◽  
World War ◽  
The First World War ◽  
Nationalist Sentiment ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
First World

This chapter discusses the relationship between Christianity and nationalism. The twentieth century—and in particular the years after the First World War—saw the global diffusion of the European idea of the nation-state and the corresponding spread of mass nationalist sentiment. As Western colonial intrusion into the economies of Asia and Africa deepened, Asian and African peoples drew on a wide variety of ideas and strategies in pursuit of a goal that was increasingly defined as “national” liberation from alien rule. From the dawn of the twentieth century, nationalism and Christianity, at least in its traditional Western forms, were set on a collision course. In point of fact, at least during the first two decades of the century, nationalism was not generally aligned in opposition to Christianity, nor even to Western thought as a whole, for the simple reason that the educated elites who pioneered the first Asian and African nationalist movements were often the product of mission education and took many of their ideas from Western ideological sources. Indeed, right through the century, there remain a few striking exceptional cases of a continuing, or even growing, convergence between Christian and nationalist identities, both in Europe and beyond it. The chapter then considers two such examples. The first, that of Korea, is largely Protestant in character; the other, Poland, is decidedly Catholic.

‘The Colossus of the North’: One Man's Account of Queensland During the First World War

2004 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-37
Author(s):  
Malcolm Saunders
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Urban Areas ◽  
First World War ◽  
The Other ◽  
Small Scale ◽  
World War ◽  
The North ◽  
The First World War ◽  
Principal Source ◽  
First World

Australians — not least of all historians and political scientists — have long wondered whether Queensland was any different from the other colonies/states. Some of the ways in which it differs from most of its southern sisters — such as its geographical size and decentralised population — have always been obvious. No less well known has been its pursuit of agrarian policies. For much of the second half of the nineteenth century and the first half of the twentieth century, governments of all political persuasions in Queensland preferred to develop primary rather than secondary industries, and consequently favoured rural rather than urban areas. An integral part of agrarianism was its emphasis on closer settlement — that is, breaking the pastoralists' (or squatters') hold over vast areas of land and making smaller and suitable plots of land available to men of limited means, people most often referred to almost romantically as ‘yeoman farmers’. Governments envisaged a colony or state whose economy was based less on huge industries concentrated in a few hands and situated in the cities than on a class of small-scale agriculturalists whose produce would not only feed the population but also be a principal source of wealth.

Diversity and Demarcation

2021 ◽  
pp. 15-59
Author(s):  
Dieter Gosewinkel
Keyword(s):  
Turn Of The Century ◽  
Nation State ◽  
Eastern European ◽  
Hierarchical Systems ◽  
World War ◽  
European Continent ◽  
The First World War ◽  
State Authority ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
First World

The first chapter covers the outgoing epoch of the multinational empires and continental Middle and Eastern European colonial powers, which experienced the zenith of their expansion of power and their collapse. The period between the turn of the century and the outbreak of the First World War was the golden age of European imperialism. It also introduced the heyday of nationalism. The nineteenth differed from preceding centuries by establishing increasingly strict boundaries in the interest of demarcating state and nation in two regards: in territorializing state authority and defining who was subject to it. Citizenship became the pre-eminent legal tool for marking the bounds of nation-state authority over persons. Alongside the particularly intense manifestation of national and ethnic criteria for inclusion and exclusion, new hierarchical systems, based on citizenship, grading affiliation based on ethnicity and race developed, redefining the relationship between colonizing and colonized nations on the European continent as well as in the overseas colonial territories.

De nationalisering van de demos. Twee nieuwe bijdragen rond nationalisme in België

2009 ◽  
Vol 68 (1) ◽  
pp. 63-77
Author(s):  
Luc Boeva
Keyword(s):  
World War I ◽  
19Th Century ◽  
First World War ◽  
Nation State ◽  
World War ◽  
The First World War ◽  
The Right ◽  
The 19Th Century ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
First World

Natievorming en democratisering zijn onderling verweven processen, die sociale, politieke en culturele conflicten inbedden in een functionele politieke eenheid. Het nationalisme biedt, met zijn referentie aan de soevereiniteit van het volk, potentieel voor de democratisering van een samenleving. De in 2007 verschenen colloquiumbundel Natie en Democratie 1890-1921 (o.r.v. Els Witte, Ginette Kurgan-van Hentenryk, Emiel Lamberts e.a) bestudeert het effect van het democratische verruimingsproces op de Belgische natie-staat tijdens de periode 1890-1921, met als onderzoeksvraag: welke interactie had er plaats tussen natie en democratie? België is vanaf 1830 een goed voorbeeld van actieve natievorming; in het laatste kwart van de 19e eeuw was de burgerlijke natiestaat dan ook stevig gevestigd. Op het einde van de 19e eeuw werd het nationale identiteit nog versterkt door de vlugge economische ontwikkeling, de koloniale expansie en de culturele opleving. Dat gaf echter nauwelijks impulsen aan het democratiseringsproces, omdat de voornaamste krachten van het Belgisch nationalisme gevestigde belangen te verdedigen hadden. De democratische hervormingen kwamen zelden tot stand door de nood aan een verdere nationale integratie en de door de burgerlijke elite geconstrueerde Belgische natie diende tot aan WOI niet tot emancipatorische inspiratiebron. De nationalistische exaltatie na WOI versnelde echter het democratiseringsproces en omgekeerd versterkte de democratisering de nationale gevoelens. Het Vlaams-nationalisme, dat in de colloquiumbundel ook aan bod komt, werd dan weer door het democratiseringsproces versterkt. Gedragen door kleine burgerij, boeren en werkmannen, had het immers alles te winnen met een uitbreiding van het stemrecht, inzonderheid het mannelijk algemeen meervoudig stemrecht in 1894. Ook voor het vanaf dan met de Belgische natie concurrerende Vlaamse nationalisme, vormde WOI een waterscheiding. Tijdens en na de oorlog vond daarbij de strategische en ideologische splitsing plaats, die ondermeer verband houdt met de relatie tussen democratie en nationalisme. Dat we überhaupt aan de hand van de Belgische casus geen algemene conclusies kunnen trekken over de relatie natievorming-democratisering, bewijst overigens het comparatief luik in de colloquiumbundel.De relatie met de gemeenschap, de demos en de (al dan niet) democratische vertegenwoordiging is eveneens een belangrijke constante in de bijdrage over het Vlaams-nationalisme van de Gentse academici Bruno De Wever en Antoon Vrints tot een in 2008 verschenen reader over de politieke ideologieën in Vlaanderen (o.r.v. Luk Sanders en Carl Devos).Een aantal stellingen al dan niet gebaseerd op synthetiserende modellen, zwengelt de discussie aan. Dat betreft ondermeer de zgn. C-fase in de Vlaamse beweging, het onderscheid tussen patriottisme en nationalisme en het ideologisch gehalte van nationalisme.Beide publicaties scherpen in ieder geval de honger aan naar meer comparatief onderzoek op internationale schaal. ________The nationalisation of the demos. Two new contributions about nationalism in BelgiumThe formation of a nation and democratisation are two interconnected processes that mould social, political and cultural conflicts into a functional political entity. Nationalism referring to the sovereignty of the people offers potential for the democratisation of a society. The colloquium collection Natie en Democratie 1890-1921, published in 2007 (Editors: Els Witte, Ginette Kurgan-van Hentenryk, Emiel Lamberts and others) studies the effect of the democratic enlargement process on the Belgian nation-state during the period 1890-1921, with the research focusing on the question: what interaction took place between the nation and democracy? From 1830 onwards Belgium was a good example of the active formation of a nation; in the last quarter of the 19th century the civil nation state had therefore acquired a solid foundation. At the end of the 19th century the national identity was reinforced even more by the speedy economic development, the colonial expansion and cultural revival. However, that hardly provided any boost to the democratisation process, because the most prominent forces of Belgian nationalism were defending vested interests. Democratic reforms were rarely realised because of the lack of more national integration, and the Belgian nation, which had been created by the middle class elite did not provide a source for emancipatory inspiration until the First World War. The nationalist exaltation after the First World War however, speeded up the democratisation process and inversely, the democratisation reinforced the national sentiment.Flemish-nationalism in its turn, which is also dealt with in the colloquium collection, was reinforced by the democratisation process. As it found its supporters among the lower middle classes, farmers and workers, it could only gain from an extension of the right to vote, more in particular the right of universal plural voting for men in 1894. World War I was also a watershed for Flemish-nationalism which from that moment on competed with the Belgian nation. During and after the war a strategic and ideological schism took place, which among other things concerns the relationship between democracy and nationalism. The comparative section in the colloquium collection proves moreover that it is not at all possible to draw general conclusions about the relationship between the formation of a nation and democratisation on the basis of the Belgian case.The relationship with the community, the demos and their representation (whether democratic or not) is also an important constant factor in the contribution about Flemish-nationalism by the Ghent academics Bruno De Wever and Antoon Vrints to a reader published in 2008 about political ideologies in Flanders (Editors: Luk Sanders and Carl Devos).A number of propositions whether or not based on synthesizing models cranks up the discussion. This concerns among other things the so-called C-phase in the Flemish Movement, the distinction between patriotism and nationalism and the ideological content of nationalism.At any rate both publications increase our appetite for more comparative research on an international scale.

scholarly journals Zusätze zur Geschichte der kleinen Mühlen des Komitat Baranya in 20. Jahrhundert

2021 ◽  
pp. 161-169
Author(s):  
Rózsa Borbála Zsindey ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Economic Crisis ◽  
Turn Of The Century ◽  
Water Levels ◽  
The Other ◽  
World War ◽  
The First World War ◽  
The Family ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
First World ◽  
Local Levels

In the light of the milling industry, which flourished nationwide at the turn of the century, the study deals with Baranya County’s position, primarily examining the possibilities and limitations of operating small mills in the region later. The author outlines this sector’s prosperity before 1945 based on the family archives of the owner of the contemporary journal, „Molnárok Lapja” and the Orfű mills. The sources suggest that the mill industry in Baranya cooperated in an organized manner, both at the county and at the smaller, local levels. For example, the relationship between the mills and the Danube Steamship Company (DGT) was established through forced local cooperation. This concentration is to be interpreted as a local specificity, as it was in DGT’s interest to know the level of watercourses due to mining. Due to coal mining, the water levels of the local streams dropped, which made it very difficult for small mills to operate. On the other hand, the mills also needed coal, as did the Serbs who temporarily occupied the region after the First World War, who also removed the extracted coal from the area. After the years of consolidation, the first sensitive blow to the small mills in Baranya was the economic crisis, when as a result of the quota regulation, they were forced to limit their production significantly and were obliged to supply the milled grain. Their fate was sealed together by the post-1945 nationalization decrees and the associated withdrawal of water use rights.

Modernism Under Review: Hugh Kenner's The Pound Era

2010 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 181-194
Author(s):  
Marjorie Perloff
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
First World War ◽  
World War ◽  
The Past ◽  
The First World War ◽  
Anglo American ◽  
First World

This essay offers a critical re-assessment of Hugh Kenner's The Pound Era. It argues that Kenner's magisterial survey remains important to our understanding of Modernism, despite its frankly partisan viewpoint. Kenner's is an insider's account of the Anglo-American Modernist writing that he takes to have been significant because it sought to invent a new language consonant with the ethos of the twentieth century. The essay suggests that Kenner's impeccable attention to the Modernist renovation of language goes beyond formalism, since, for him, its ‘patterned energies’ (a term derived from Buckminster Fuller's theory of knots) relate Modernism to the larger complex of artefacts within which it functions and, beyond these, to what he takes to be the great works of the past and to the scientific-technological inventions of the present. But the essay also points out that Kenner's is an eccentric canon, which makes no room for Forster, Frost, Lawrence, or Stevens. Furthermore, Kenner's emphasis on the First World War as a great cultural rupture, while plausible, works less well for Joyce and Williams than it does for Pound and Eliot.

تطورات رومانيا الداخلية وسياستها الخارجية أبان الحرب العالمية الاولى حتى احتلال بخارست (آب 1914 – كانون الاول 1916)

لارك ◽  
2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
فهد عويد عبد
Keyword(s):  
First World War ◽  
The Other ◽  
Military Operations ◽  
World War ◽  
Trade Routes ◽  
The Balkans ◽  
Political Unity ◽  
The First World War ◽  
Balkan Region ◽  
First World

The Balkan region in general and Romania in particular have witnessed major political developments during the First World War. Suffice it to say that the first outbreak of war began from the Balkans, namely Sarajevo, and ended in the Balkans, where the last peace treaties were signed with the surrender of Bulgaria on September 29, 1918. Years of War The Balkans were generally a theater in which the armies of the belligerents demonstrated their military capabilities. Moreover, in the same period, both sides of the conflict (the Axis Powers or the Wafd States) were struggling to obtain the support of the Balkans, including Romania, Sugary, political and economic, both on military operations or planed Supply issues or control over trade routes, and on the other side of Romania was seeking for its part to take advantage of the chance of war to the maximum extent possible to achieve the national dream of achieving political unity.

Kroniek van een aangekondigd ontslag. Twee opmerkelijke brieven van Alfons Van de Perre betreffende zijn afscheid als volksvertegenwoordiger in 1919

2007 ◽  
Vol 66 (1) ◽  
pp. 45-63
Author(s):  
Luc Vandeweyer
Keyword(s):  
Political Party ◽  
First World War ◽  
Source Material ◽  
The Other ◽  
World War ◽  
The First World War ◽  
The Will ◽  
The One ◽  
First World ◽  
Member Of Parliament

In deze bronnenpublicatie ontleedt Luc Vandeweyer de parlementaire loopbaan van de geneesheer-politicus Alfons Van de Perre: hoe hij in 1912 feitelijk  tegen wil en dank  volksvertegenwoordiger werd, zich anderzijds blijkbaar naar behoren kweet van zijn taak en tijdens de eerste verkiezingen na de Eerste Wereldoorlog (1919) zijn mandaat hernieuwd zag maar meteen daarop ontslag nam. Volgens de bekende historiografische lezing was de abdicatie van de progressieve politicus een daad van zelfverloochening die enerzijds werd ingegeven door gezondheidsmotieven en  anderzijds was geïnspireerd door de wil om de eenheid binnen de katholieke partij te herstellen. De auteur komt op basis van nieuw en onontgonnen bronnenmateriaal tot de vaststelling dat Van de Perres spontane beslissing tot ontslag in de eerste plaats een strategische keuze was: in het parlement, waar hij zich overigens niet erg in zijn schik voelde, kon hij minder invloed uitoefenen op de Vlaamse beweging dan via de talrijke engagementen waarvoor hij voortaan de handen vrij had. Eén ervan was die van bestuurder én publicist bij het dagblad De Standaard.________Chronicle of the announcement of a resignation. Two remaekable letters by Alfons Van de Perre concerning his resignation as a Member of Parliament in 1919In this source publication Luc Vandeweyer analyses the parliamentary career of the physician-politician Alfons Van de Perre and he describes how Van de Perre became a Member of Parliament in 1912 actually against the grain, yet how he apparently did a good job carrying out his duties. During the first elections after the First World War (1919) Van de Perre found that his mandate was renewed, but he handed in his resignation immediately afterwards. According to the familiar historiographical interpretation the abdication of the progressive politician was an act of self-denial, which was prompted on the one hand by health reasons and on the other hand inspired by the will to restore unity within the Catholic political party. On the basis of new and so far unexplored source material the author concludes that the spontaneous decision by Van de Perres to hand in his resignation was above all a strategic choice: in the Parliament, which he did not much enjoy anyway, he could exert less influence on the Flemish movement than via his numerous commitments, which he was now free to take on. One of these was the post of director as well as political commentator of the newspaper De Standaard.

ENGLISH LABOUR AND TRADE UNIONISM OF THE EARLY TWENTIETH CENTURY IN THE COVERAGE OF THE BRITISH HISTORIAN G. D. H. COLE

2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 22-33
Author(s):  
T.N. GELLA ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
First World War ◽  
World War ◽  
Trade Unionism ◽  
Early Twentieth Century ◽  
The First World War ◽  
History Of ◽  
Socialist Movement ◽  
First World

The main purpose of the article is to analyze the views of a famous British historian G.D.G. Cole on the history of the British workers' and UK socialist movement in the early twentieth century. The arti-cle focuses on the historian's assessment and the reasons for the workers' strike movement intensi-fication on the eve of the First World War, the specifics of such trends as labourism, trade unionism and syndicalism.

Onward Christian Soldiers

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Ruse
Keyword(s):  
First World War ◽  
The Other ◽  
Bertrand Russell ◽  
World War ◽  
Moral Purpose ◽  
The First World War ◽  
Fellowship Of Reconciliation ◽  
Christian Leaders ◽  
First World ◽  
Religious War

In 1914, Europe went to war, because of German expansionism, but without a central moral purpose as in 1939. Christian leaders had to scramble to find justification, which they soon located in our sinful nature, and most particularly the sinful nature of the opponents. In major respects, therefore, the First World War was a religious war, battling against the infidel. Anglican leaders, like the Bishop of London, Arthur F. Winnington Ingram, urged the necessity of killing Germans; and Lutheran leaders on the other side, like Adolf von Harnack, were no less bloodthirsty. There was an often-despised pacifist minority. In England, this included the philosopher Bertrand Russell, who was very much not a Christian, and members of the “Fellowship of Reconciliation,” who very much were Christians. In America, the Episcopalian bishop of Utah, Paul Jones, got the sack because of his pacifism, and the Catholic Ben Salmon was sent to jail and refused communion by his church.

The Strange Radicalism of Thomas Carnduff and St John Ervine

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Connal Parr
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Working Class ◽  
First World War ◽  
Class Consciousness ◽  
World War ◽  
Abbey Theatre ◽  
Unpublished Work ◽  
Early Twentieth Century ◽  
The First World War ◽  
First World

St John Ervine and Thomas Carnduff were born in working-class Protestant parts of Belfast in the 1880s, though Ervine would escape to an eventually prosperous existence in England. Orangeism, the politics of early twentieth-century Ireland, the militancy of the age—and the involvement of these writers in it—along with Ervine’s journey from ardent Fabian to reactionary Unionist, via his pivotal experiences managing the Abbey Theatre and losing a leg in the First World War, are all discussed. Carnduff’s own tumultuous life is reflected through his complicated Orange affiliation, gut class-consciousness, poetry, unpublished work, contempt for the local (and gentrified) Ulster artistic scene, and veneration of socially conscious United Irishman James Hope. It concludes with an assessment of their respective legacies and continuing import.

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