Diversity and Demarcation

2021 ◽  
pp. 15-59
Author(s):  
Dieter Gosewinkel

The first chapter covers the outgoing epoch of the multinational empires and continental Middle and Eastern European colonial powers, which experienced the zenith of their expansion of power and their collapse. The period between the turn of the century and the outbreak of the First World War was the golden age of European imperialism. It also introduced the heyday of nationalism. The nineteenth differed from preceding centuries by establishing increasingly strict boundaries in the interest of demarcating state and nation in two regards: in territorializing state authority and defining who was subject to it. Citizenship became the pre-eminent legal tool for marking the bounds of nation-state authority over persons. Alongside the particularly intense manifestation of national and ethnic criteria for inclusion and exclusion, new hierarchical systems, based on citizenship, grading affiliation based on ethnicity and race developed, redefining the relationship between colonizing and colonized nations on the European continent as well as in the overseas colonial territories.

2009 ◽  
Vol 68 (1) ◽  
pp. 63-77
Author(s):  
Luc Boeva

Natievorming en democratisering zijn onderling verweven processen, die sociale, politieke en culturele conflicten inbedden in een functionele politieke eenheid. Het nationalisme biedt, met zijn referentie aan de soevereiniteit van het volk, potentieel voor de democratisering van een samenleving. De in 2007 verschenen colloquiumbundel Natie en Democratie 1890-1921 (o.r.v. Els Witte, Ginette Kurgan-van Hentenryk, Emiel Lamberts e.a) bestudeert het effect van het democratische verruimingsproces op de Belgische natie-staat tijdens de periode 1890-1921, met als onderzoeksvraag: welke interactie had er plaats tussen natie en democratie? België is vanaf 1830 een goed voorbeeld van actieve natievorming; in het laatste kwart van de 19e eeuw was de burgerlijke natiestaat dan ook stevig gevestigd. Op het einde van de 19e eeuw werd het nationale identiteit nog versterkt door de vlugge economische ontwikkeling, de koloniale expansie en de culturele opleving. Dat gaf echter nauwelijks impulsen aan het democratiseringsproces, omdat de voornaamste krachten van het Belgisch nationalisme gevestigde belangen te verdedigen hadden. De democratische hervormingen kwamen zelden tot stand door de nood aan een verdere nationale integratie en de door de burgerlijke elite geconstrueerde Belgische natie diende tot aan WOI niet tot emancipatorische inspiratiebron. De nationalistische exaltatie na WOI versnelde echter het democratiseringsproces en omgekeerd versterkte de democratisering de nationale gevoelens. Het Vlaams-nationalisme, dat in de colloquiumbundel ook aan bod komt, werd dan weer door het democratiseringsproces versterkt. Gedragen door kleine burgerij, boeren en werkmannen, had het immers alles te winnen met een uitbreiding van het stemrecht, inzonderheid het mannelijk algemeen meervoudig stemrecht in 1894. Ook voor het vanaf dan met de Belgische natie concurrerende Vlaamse nationalisme, vormde WOI een waterscheiding. Tijdens en na de oorlog vond daarbij de strategische en ideologische splitsing plaats, die ondermeer verband houdt met de relatie tussen democratie en nationalisme. Dat we überhaupt aan de hand van de Belgische casus geen algemene conclusies kunnen trekken over de relatie natievorming-democratisering, bewijst overigens het comparatief luik in de colloquiumbundel.De relatie met de gemeenschap, de demos en de (al dan niet) democratische vertegenwoordiging is eveneens een belangrijke constante in de bijdrage over het Vlaams-nationalisme van de Gentse academici Bruno De Wever en Antoon Vrints tot een in 2008 verschenen reader over de politieke ideologieën in Vlaanderen (o.r.v. Luk Sanders en Carl Devos).Een aantal stellingen al dan niet gebaseerd op synthetiserende modellen, zwengelt de discussie aan. Dat betreft ondermeer de zgn. C-fase in de Vlaamse beweging, het onderscheid tussen patriottisme en nationalisme en het ideologisch gehalte van nationalisme.Beide publicaties scherpen in ieder geval de honger aan naar meer comparatief onderzoek op internationale schaal. ________The nationalisation of the demos. Two new contributions about nationalism in BelgiumThe formation of a nation and democratisation are two interconnected processes that mould social, political and cultural conflicts into a functional political entity. Nationalism referring to the sovereignty of the people offers potential for the democratisation of a society. The colloquium collection Natie en Democratie 1890-1921, published in 2007 (Editors: Els Witte, Ginette Kurgan-van Hentenryk, Emiel Lamberts and others) studies the effect of the democratic enlargement process on the Belgian nation-state during the period 1890-1921, with the research focusing on the question: what interaction took place between the nation and democracy? From 1830 onwards Belgium was a good example of the active formation of a nation; in the last quarter of the 19th century the civil nation state had therefore acquired a solid foundation. At the end of the 19th century the national identity was reinforced even more by the speedy economic development, the colonial expansion and cultural revival. However, that hardly provided any boost to the democratisation process, because the most prominent forces of Belgian nationalism were defending vested interests. Democratic reforms were rarely realised because of the lack of more national integration, and the Belgian nation, which had been created by the middle class elite did not provide a source for emancipatory inspiration until the First World War. The nationalist exaltation after the First World War however, speeded up the democratisation process and inversely, the democratisation reinforced the national sentiment.Flemish-nationalism in its turn, which is also dealt with in the colloquium collection, was reinforced by the democratisation process. As it found its supporters among the lower middle classes, farmers and workers, it could only gain from an extension of the right to vote, more in particular the right of universal plural voting for men in 1894. World War I was also a watershed for Flemish-nationalism which from that moment on competed with the Belgian nation. During and after the war a strategic and ideological schism took place, which among other things concerns the relationship between democracy and nationalism. The comparative section in the colloquium collection proves moreover that it is not at all possible to draw general conclusions about the relationship between the formation of a nation and democratisation on the basis of the Belgian case.The relationship with the community, the demos and their representation (whether democratic or not) is also an important constant factor in the contribution about Flemish-nationalism by the Ghent academics Bruno De Wever and Antoon Vrints to a reader published in 2008 about political ideologies in Flanders (Editors: Luk Sanders and Carl Devos).A number of propositions whether or not based on synthesizing models cranks up the discussion. This concerns among other things the so-called C-phase in the Flemish Movement, the distinction between patriotism and nationalism and the ideological content of nationalism.At any rate both publications increase our appetite for more comparative research on an international scale.


Author(s):  
Rózsa Borbála Zsindey ◽  

In the light of the milling industry, which flourished nationwide at the turn of the century, the study deals with Baranya County’s position, primarily examining the possibilities and limitations of operating small mills in the region later. The author outlines this sector’s prosperity before 1945 based on the family archives of the owner of the contemporary journal, „Molnárok Lapja” and the Orfű mills. The sources suggest that the mill industry in Baranya cooperated in an organized manner, both at the county and at the smaller, local levels. For example, the relationship between the mills and the Danube Steamship Company (DGT) was established through forced local cooperation. This concentration is to be interpreted as a local specificity, as it was in DGT’s interest to know the level of watercourses due to mining. Due to coal mining, the water levels of the local streams dropped, which made it very difficult for small mills to operate. On the other hand, the mills also needed coal, as did the Serbs who temporarily occupied the region after the First World War, who also removed the extracted coal from the area. After the years of consolidation, the first sensitive blow to the small mills in Baranya was the economic crisis, when as a result of the quota regulation, they were forced to limit their production significantly and were obliged to supply the milled grain. Their fate was sealed together by the post-1945 nationalization decrees and the associated withdrawal of water use rights.


Author(s):  
Brian Stanley

This chapter discusses the relationship between Christianity and nationalism. The twentieth century—and in particular the years after the First World War—saw the global diffusion of the European idea of the nation-state and the corresponding spread of mass nationalist sentiment. As Western colonial intrusion into the economies of Asia and Africa deepened, Asian and African peoples drew on a wide variety of ideas and strategies in pursuit of a goal that was increasingly defined as “national” liberation from alien rule. From the dawn of the twentieth century, nationalism and Christianity, at least in its traditional Western forms, were set on a collision course. In point of fact, at least during the first two decades of the century, nationalism was not generally aligned in opposition to Christianity, nor even to Western thought as a whole, for the simple reason that the educated elites who pioneered the first Asian and African nationalist movements were often the product of mission education and took many of their ideas from Western ideological sources. Indeed, right through the century, there remain a few striking exceptional cases of a continuing, or even growing, convergence between Christian and nationalist identities, both in Europe and beyond it. The chapter then considers two such examples. The first, that of Korea, is largely Protestant in character; the other, Poland, is decidedly Catholic.


2021 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 82-94
Author(s):  
Muyiwa Adigun

The principle of complementarity is one of the most important concepts in international criminal law as it defines the relationship between international criminal tribunals and domestic courts. Certain claims have been made in respect of this concept thus this study examines the correctness of the claims made. The study finds that the concept is claimed to have originated from the sciences and that its expression in international criminal law has taken a distinctive form different from that in the sciences, that it is traceable to the First World War and that there are at least about four categories of the concept. The study, however, argues that while the concept originated from the sciences, its expression in international criminal law is no different from that in the sciences, that it is traceable to the trial of Peter von Hagenbach in 1474 (the Breisach Trial) and that there are at least five categories of the concept. The study therefore concludes that the claims made are incorrect.


2017 ◽  
Vol 82 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Anita Pavić Pintarić

This paper investigates the translation of pejoratives referring to persons. The corpus is comprised of literary dialogues in the collection of short stories about the First World War by Miroslav Krleža. The dialogues describe the relationship between officers and soldiers. Soldiers are not well prepared for the war and are the trigger of officers’ anger. Therefore, the dialogues are rich with emotionally loaded outbursts resulting in swearwords. Swearwords relate to the intellect and skills of soldiers, and can be divided into absolute and relative pejoratives. Absolute pejoratives refer to the words that carry the negative meaning as the basis, whereas relative pejoratives are those that gain the negative meaning in a certain context. They derive from names of occupations and zoonyms. The analysis comprises the emotional embedment of swearwords, their metaphoric character and the strategies of translation from the Croatian into the German language.


2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 66-83
Author(s):  
Vasile-George Ursu

The beginning of the twentieth century was strongly marked by the First World War. Among the unexpected results of this conflagration we can observe an exponential growth of cultural relations between the states involved in the conflict on the same side. If we explicitly look at the Romanian-French cultural relations from this perspective, it becomes obvious that we are dealing with an exceptional example of cultural collaboration on the European continent. The first concrete step of this process was the signing in Bucharest of The PoincaréAngelescu Educational Convention on June 15, 1919, a document according to which the French state provided its support for the consolidation of Romanian education, especially in the new provinces that entered the Romanian state. Thus, in Bucharest, the French university mission was created as a separate entity as a result of this convention. Later, in 1924, it was reorganized into the French Institute of Higher Studies. Through these two concrete actions, the French state took the initiative and offered its promised support for its ”Latin sister in Eastern Europe”. In the same period, the actions of the Kingdom of Romania in this sense were much slower and more indecisive, requiring a private initiative of the historian N. Iorga.


Author(s):  
Antony Polonsky

This chapter addresses the position of Jews in Lithuania between the two world wars. Although the history of inter-war Lithuania reveals many political failures, it is clear that, even during the authoritarian period, civil society continued to develop. Illiteracy was largely eradicated and impressive advances were made in social and intellectual life. In addition, land reform created a prosperous farming community whose products made up the bulk of the country's exports. The first years of Lithuanian independence were marked by a far-reaching experiment in Jewish autonomy. The experiment attracted wide attention across the Jewish world and was taken as a model by some Jewish politicians in Poland. Jewish autonomy also seemed to be in the interests of Lithuanians. The bulk of the Lithuanian lands remained largely agricultural until the First World War. Relations between Jews, who were the principal intermediaries between the town and manor and the countryside, and the mainly peasant Lithuanians took the form of a hostile symbiosis. This relationship was largely peaceful, and anti-Jewish violence was rare, although, as elsewhere, the relationship was marked by mutual contempt.


Author(s):  
Aimée Fox

Abstract In recent years, the social history of armed forces has done much to reconstruct the experience of soldiering. However, remarkably few studies focus explicitly upon the social and political relations that play a central role in how armies behave. This article aims to understand the British Army in the era of the First World War in terms of its informal and formal organisation, exploring and interrogating the connections and relationships between individuals and the structures within which they operate. Using the concept of patronage as a lens, it will demonstrate how social relationships were able to offer alternatives to purely hierarchical systems of administration. Rather than simple favouritism, for a variety of reasons these processes functioned along meritocratic lines, enabling the Army to adopt pragmatic and innovative solutions to the challenges of the First World War.


2019 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 234-250
Author(s):  
Karen Gram-Skjoldager

When war broke out in the summer of 1914, the Danish government responded by declaring the country neutral. This decision marked the beginning of a particular neutral Danish war experience. This article analyses how Danish politics and society were affected by and responded to the war. It explores four themes in particular: the relationship between neutrality, trade and economic warfare; internationalist and humanitarian practices; political and redistributive responses to the war and the particular ‘neutral’ cultural processing of the war in Denmark. It argues that while the material and human consequences of the war were negligent compared to those experienced by belligerent societies, the war did have substantial effect on the Danish state and society, creating new diplomatic and political practices, reshaping economic relations and shifting domestic power balances.


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