scholarly journals EDUCATIONAL PROSPECTS FOR THE IMPLEMENTATION OF THE RUSSIAN NATIONAL PATRIOTIC MEGA-PROJECT “VICTORY MAP 2025”: TO THE SETTING OF THE PROBLEM

2021 ◽  
pp. 99-106
Author(s):  
Татьяна Васильевна Галкина

Рассматривается разработка нового содержания и нового формата патриотического воспитания подрастающего поколения. На Карте Победы (административная карта Российской Федерации) на территориях 85 субъектов страны будут размещены две цифры (военные потери, потери мирного населения), а также те виды продукции, которую данный регион отправлял на фронт. Создание такой карты позволит не только привлечь к работе над проектом большое количество участников, но и позволит по-новому (с цифрами и фактами) увидеть собственную страну, победившую фашизм. Новизна подхода к содержанию проявляется в возможности и доступности работы с подлинными историческими источниками – рассекреченными документами периода Великой Отечественной войны в региональных архивах. Главной тематикой становится тыловая повседневность мирного населения (в том числе военная продукция для фронта) и выявление количества людских потерь в тылу, которые представляют собой последствия нацистского геноцида в отношении народов Советского Союза. Мегапроект настроен на скоординированную работу региональных команд педагогических вузов России, региональных школьных команд и экспертных команд. При этом командообразование рассматривается как один из эффективных методов реализации патриотического проекта. Что касается нового формата, то в структуру мегапроекта включены два научно-исследовательских архивных проекта, два творческих (конкурс и региональный онлайн-проект) и ряд организационно-педагогических мероприятий. В итоге педагогические перспективы реализации мегапроекта «Карта Победы – 2025» представляются эффективным опытом осуществления долговременного разновозрастного проекта патриотической направленности. The article is dedicated to the development of a new content and a new format of patriotic education of the younger generation. On the Victory Map (administrative map of the Russian Federation) in the territories of 85 subjects of the country will be placed two figures (military losses, the loss of civilian population), as well as those types of products that the region sent to the battle-front. The creation of a map will not only attract a large number of participants to the project, but will also allow you to see your own country, which defeated fascism in a new way (with numbers and facts). The novelty of the content’s approach is manifested in the ability and accessibility of work with authentic historical sources – declassified documents from the World War II period in regional archives. The main theme is the rear daily life of the civilian population (including military products for the front) and the identification of the number of human losses in the rear, which are the consequences of the Nazi genocide against the peoples of the Soviet Union. The mega-project is set up for the coordinated work of regional teams of Russian pedagogical universities, regional school teams and expert teams. At the same time, team formation is considered as one of the effective methods of implementing a patriotic project. As for the new format, the structure of the mega-project includes 2 research archival projects, 2 creative (competition and regional online project) and a number of organizational and educational events. As a result, the pedagogical prospects of the implementation of the mega-project “Victory Map 2025” seem to be an effective experience of the implementation of a long-term multi-age project of patriotic orientation.

Author(s):  
David M. Edelstein

This chapter traces the deterioration of Soviet-American relations at the end of World War II and into the beginning of the cold war. While the United States and the Soviet Union found common cause during World War II in defeating Hitler’s Germany, their relationship began to deteriorate as the eventual defeat of Germany became more certain. The chapter emphasizes that it was growing beliefs about malign Soviet intentions, rather than changes in Soviet capabilities, that fuelled the origins of the cold war. In particular, the chapter details crises in Iran, Turkey, and Germany that contributed to U.S. beliefs about long-term Soviet intentions. As uncertainty evaporated, the enmity of the cold war took hold.


2018 ◽  
Vol 11 ◽  
pp. 120-135
Author(s):  
István Deák

It took some seventy years after World War II for the educated part of the Hungarian public to obtain comprehensive information on the double tragedy of Hungary’s participation in the German military campaign against the Soviet Union. Not only was the army’s defeat at the Don River in the winter of 1942/43 an unmitigated catastrophe, but as Krisztián Ungváry demonstrates, the Hungarian honvéd forces, performing occupation duty in Ukraine and a part of Belorussia, committed atrocities against the civilian population which nearly equaled those of the German occupiers. Moreover, the ill-equipped Hungarians’ main dilemma was a nefarious entanglement in local ethnic and nationalist conflicts, in which the Soviet Partisans played only a limited role.


Author(s):  
Zdeněk Radvanovský

When World War II broke out, Britain's Foreign Office set up a number of brains trusts which, in co-operation with the east European exile governments, proceeded to formulate plans for reordering central and south-eastern Europe. The planning intensified after the Soviet Union and the United States entered the war. Already the basic consensus was that those states to be reconstituted after Nazi Germany's defeat should have no national minorities — certainly no German minorities — and that this solution could be achieved through a massive transfer of inhabitants. Most political parties in Slovakia demanded autonomy for their country and the formation of an independent Slovak government. In Czechoslovakia's border regions in the early post-war months, there was something of a vacuum when it came to settling the fate of the Germans. Alongside the expulsion of the Germans, far less attention was paid in the Allied states to a concomitant development: the resettlement of the border region with a Czech or Slovak population.


2021 ◽  
Vol 53 (4) ◽  
pp. 691-702
Author(s):  
Firoozeh Kashani-Sabet

In 1946, the entertainer and activist Paul Robeson pondered America's intentions in Iran. In what was to become one of the first major crises of the Cold War, Iran was fighting a Soviet aggressor that did not want to leave. Robeson posed the question, “Is our State Department concerned with protecting the rights of Iran and the welfare of the Iranian people, or is it concerned with protecting Anglo-American oil in that country and the Middle East in general?” This was a loaded question. The US was pressuring the Soviet Union to withdraw its troops after its occupation of the country during World War II. Robeson wondered why America cared so much about Soviet forces in Iranian territory, when it made no mention of Anglo-American troops “in countries far removed from the United States or Great Britain.” An editorial writer for a Black journal in St. Louis posed a different variant of the question: Why did the American secretary of state, James F. Byrnes, concern himself with elections in Iran, Arabia or Azerbaijan and yet not “interfere in his home state, South Carolina, which has not had a free election since Reconstruction?”


Author(s):  
Vēsma Lēvalde

The article is a cultural-historical study and a part of the project Uniting History, which aims to discover the multicultural aspect of performing art in pre-war Liepaja and summarize key facts about the history of the Liepāja Symphony Orchestra. The study also seeks to identify the performing artists whose life was associated with Liepāja and who were repressed between 1941 and 1945, because of aggression by both the Soviet Union and National Socialist Germany. Until now, the cultural life of this period in Liepāja has been studied in a fragmentary way, and materials are scattered in various archives. There are inaccurate and even contradictory testimonies of events of that time. The study marks both the cultural and historical situation of the 1920s and the 1930s in Liepāja and tracks the fates of several artists in the period between 1939 and 1945. On the eve of World War II, Liepāja has an active cultural life, especially in theatre and music. Liepāja City Drama and Opera is in operation staging both dramatic performances, operas, and ballet, employing an orchestra. The symphony orchestra also operated at the Liepāja Philharmonic, where musicians were recruited every season according to the principles of contemporary festival orchestras. Liepāja Folk Conservatory (music school) had also formed an orchestra of students and teachers. Guest concerts were held regularly. A characteristic feature of performing arts in Liepaja was its multicultural character – musicians of different nationalities with experience from different schools of the world were encountered there. World War II not only disrupted the balance in society, but it also had a very concrete and tragic impact on the fates of the people, including the performing artists. Many were killed, many repressed and placed in prisons and camps, and many went to exile to the West. Others were forced to either co-operate with the occupation forces or give up their identity and, consequently, their career as an artist. Nevertheless, some artists risked their lives to save others.


2020 ◽  
Vol 152 ◽  
pp. 142-151
Author(s):  
Uta G. Lagvilava ◽  

A few months after the fascist Germany’s attack on the USSR, under harsh wartime conditions, at the end of 1941 military industry of the Soviet Union began to produce such a quantity of military equipment that subsequently was providing not only replenishment of losses, but also improvement of technical equipment of the Red Army forces . Successful production of military equipment during World War II became one of the main factors in the victory over fascism. One of the unlit pages in affairs of the People’s Commissariat of Internal Affairs (NKVD) is displacement and evacuation of a huge number of enterprises and people to the east, beyond the Urals, which were occupied by German troops at the beginning of the war in the summer of 1941. All this was done according to the plans developed with direct participation of NKVD, which united before the beginning and during the war departments now called the Ministry of Internal Affairs, FSB, SVR, the Russian Guard, Ministry of Emergency Situations, FAPSI and several smaller ones. And all these NKVD structures during the war were headed by Lavrenty Pavlovich Beria.


1953 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 133-167
Author(s):  
S. Bernard

The advent of a new administration in the United States and the passage of seven years since the end of World War II make it appropriate to review the political situation which has developed in Europe during that period and to ask what choices now are open to the West in its relations with the Soviet Union.The end of World War II found Europe torn between conflicting conceptions of international politics and of the goals that its members should seek. The democratic powers, led by the United States, viewed the world in traditional, Western, terms. The major problem, as they saw it, was one of working out a moral and legal order to which all powers could subscribe, and in which they would live. Quite independently of the environment, they assumed that one political order was both more practicable and more desirable than some other, and that their policies should be directed toward its attainment.


2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Kimia Zare ◽  
Habibollah Saeeidinia

Iran and Russia have common interests, especially in political terms, because of the common borders and territorial neighborhood. This has led to a specific sensitivity to how the two countries are approaching each other. Despite the importance of the two countries' relations, it is observed that in the history of the relations between Iran and Russia, various issues and issues have always been hindered by the close relations between the two countries. The beginning of Iran-Soviet relations during the Second Pahlavi era was accompanied by issues such as World War II and subsequent events. The relations between the two countries were influenced by the factors and system variables of the international system, such as the Cold War, the US-Soviet rivalry, the Second World War and the entry of the Allies into Iran, the deconstruction of the relations between the two post-Cold War superpowers, and so on.The main question of the current research is that the political relations between Iran and Russia influenced by the second Pahlavi period?To answer this question, the hypothesis was that Iran's political economic relations were fluctuating in the second Pahlavi era and influenced by the changing system theory of the international system with the Soviet Union. The findings suggest that various variables such as the structure of the international system and international events, including World War II, the arrival of controversial forces in Iran, the Cold War, the post-Cold War, the US and Soviet policies, and the variables such as the issue of oil Azerbaijan's autonomy, Tudeh's actions in Iran, the issue of fisheries and borders. Also, the policies adopted by Iranian politicians, including negative balance policy, positive nationalism and independent national policy, have affected Iran-Soviet relations. In a general conclusion, from 1320 (1942) to 1357 (1979), the relationship between Iran and Russia has been an upward trend towards peaceful coexistence. But expansion of further relations in the economic, technical and cultural fields has been political rather than political.


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