scholarly journals Tunnekausatiivilauseen argumenttirakenne II

Virittäjä ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 123 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Saara Huhmarniemi
Keyword(s):  
Argument Structure ◽  
Corpus Analysis ◽  
Syntactic Analysis ◽  
Generative Syntax ◽  
Lower Position ◽  
Express Emotion ◽  
Different Types ◽  
Complement Clause ◽  
Embedded Clause ◽  
Finite Clause

Suomen tunnekausatiivilause muodostuu tunnetta ilmaisevasta verbistä, johon liittyy tyypillisesti partitiivimuotoinen kokija, aiheuttaja tai kumpikin. Aiheuttaja voi olla paitsi nominatiivimuotoinen NP myös lausemainen, kuten ­A-infinitiivi, kun-lause, että-lause tai alisteinen kysymyslause. Tämän artikkelin tavoitteena on osoittaa generatiivisen syntaksin työkaluja käyttäen, että A-infinitiivi ja että-lause sijoittuvat tunnekausatiivi­lauseen argumenttirakenteessa komplementti­positioon, kun taas aiheut­tajana toimiva kun-lause voi sijoittua joko adjunkti- tai komplementti­positioon. Lisäksi artikkelissa esitetään Suomi24-korpusaineiston perusteella, että tunne­kausatiivien luokittelu tunne- ja tuntemusverbeihin korreloi lausemaisen aiheuttaja-argumentin yleisyyden kanssa. Artikkeli on toinen osa kahden artikkelin sarjasta. Ensimmäisessä osassa esitettiin, että aiheuttajana toimiva NP asettuu rakenteessa tyypillisesti ylemmäs kuin kokija. Koska lausemainen aiheuttaja asettuu välttämättä komplementtiin ja alemmas kuin kokija, tunnekausatiivilauseen argumenttirakenne näyttää siis vaihtelevan ainakin aiheuttaja-­argumentin tyypin mukaan.   The argument structure of the Finnish experiencer construction II: An embedded clause as a causer argument This paper investigates the Finnish experiencer construction, which involves a psychological predicate and two optional arguments: the nominative causer and the partitive experiencer. The causer argument can be clausal, such as the A infinitive, the kun clause, a finite clause headed by the complementizer että, or an embedded interrogative clause. Mua    jännittää                      kertoa   tämä         sulle. (colloquial) I.par   excite.caus.pres.3sg   tell.inf   this.nom   you.to ‘I’m excited to tell you about this.’ The aim of this paper is to show within the framework of generative syntax that the A infinitive and the finite complement clause occupy the complement position in the experiencer construction, while the kun clause may occupy either the adjunct or complement position. The syntactic analysis is complemented with a corpus analysis of a corpus taken from the Suomi24 online messaging site. The comprehensive Finnish grammar divides experiencer verbs into two classes: those that express emotion and those that express sensation. The corpus analysis shows that verb type correlates with the frequency of a clausal causer. This article is the second in a series of two. The first article investigated constructions in which the causer argument was an NP. It demonstrated that the causer NP -occupies a higher position in the argument structure than the experiencer NP. In this -article, the author argues that a clausal causer occupies a lower position than the experiencer. This means that the experiencer construction has alternating argument structures for different types of causers.

scholarly journals Tunnekausatiivilauseen argumenttirakenne I

Virittäjä ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 123 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Saara Huhmarniemi
Keyword(s):  
Word Order ◽  
Argument Structure ◽  
Contextual Factors ◽  
Generative Syntax ◽  
Embedded Clause ◽  
Open Question ◽  
Syntactic Theories

Tunnekausatiivilauseet luokitellaan usein omaksi lausetyypikseen, johon kuuluu tunnetta tai tuntemusta ilmaiseva verbi (tunnekausatiivi), partitiivisijainen kokija ja nominatiivimuotoinen aiheuttaja. Tunnekausatiivilauseen aiheuttaja- ja kokija-argumenttien asemaa syntaktisessa rakenteessa on pidetty avoimena kysymyksenä ja rakenteen on arvioitu jopa olevan muutoksessa. Tässä artikkelissa käydään generatiivisen kieliopin kehyksessä läpi argumentti-rakenteeseen liittyviä kieliopillisia testejä, jotka koskevat esimerkiksi kongruenssia, anaforien sidontaa ja sanajärjestystä. Testien perusteella voidaan havaita, että kun tunnekausatiivilauseen aiheuttaja on NP, se sijaitsee tyypillisesti argumenttirakenteessa ylempänä kuin partitiivimuotoinen kokija. Tätä tulosta verrataan Suomi24-korpusaineistosta tehtyihin havaintoihin, joiden perusteella kokija esiintyy useammin verbin edellä kuin aiheuttaja. Tunnekausatiivilauseen sanajärjestyksen vaihtelun katsotaan olevan sidoksissa puhetilanteeseen ja argumenttien ominaisuuksiin.  Tämä artikkeli on osa kahden artikkelin sarjaa. Sarjan toisessa osassa tarkastellaan lausemaisten aiheuttajien asemaa tunnekausatiivilauseen argumenttirakenteessa.   The argument structure of the Finnish experiencer construction I: An NP causer This article investigates the Finnish experiencer construction, which involves a psychological predicate and two optional arguments: the nominative causer and the partitive experiencer. The argument structure of the Finnish experiencer construction has ­remained an open question in syntactic theories. In this paper, several grammatical tests concerning congruence, binding and word order are applied in the framework of generative syntax. They suggest that when the nominative causer is an NP, it typically occupies a higher position in the argument structure than the partitive experiencer. This result is evaluated against data from the Suomi24 corpus, which reveals that the partitive experiencer occurs preverbally more frequently than the nominative causer. The article asserts that the word order of the Finnish experiencer construction reflects contextual factors and discourse features of the arguments. This article is the first in a series of two. The second article investigates experiencer constructions with an embedded clause as a causer argument.

Modality and Mood in Formal Syntactic Approaches

2015 ◽  
Author(s):  
Katrin Axel-Tober ◽  
Remus Gergel
Keyword(s):  
Epistemic Modality ◽  
Syntactic Analysis ◽  
Generative Syntax ◽  
Modal Auxiliaries ◽  
Different Types ◽  
Key Issues ◽  
Data Coverage ◽  
Primary Focus ◽  
In Virtue Of ◽  
Selection Of

The chapter discusses a selection of major approaches to modality and mood in generative syntax. The primary focus lies on the representation of modal auxiliaries and verbs. Key issues relating to modal adverbs and a selection of aspects pertaining to mood are reviewed. Central points addressed are the structural options for different types of modality including the raising vs control debate and the possible structural correlates of epistemic modality addressed in the literature. The chapter incorporates a discussion of “coherent constructions” following a tradition established for German modals. The latter serves as an illustration of a different type of possible syntactic analysis and, in virtue of its data coverage, also of points of variation even between closely related languages like English and German.

scholarly journals Appositive possession in Ainu and around the Pacific

2021 ◽  
Vol 0 (0) ◽  
Author(s):  
Anna Bugaeva ◽  
Johanna Nichols ◽  
Balthasar Bickel
Keyword(s):  
Argument Structure ◽  
Japanese Language ◽  
Speech Community ◽  
The Pacific ◽  
Finite Clause

Abstract Some languages around the Pacific have multiple possessive classes of alienable constructions using appositive nouns or classifiers. This pattern differs from the most common kind of alienable/inalienable distinction, which involves marking, usually affixal, on the possessum, and has only one class of alienables. The Japanese language isolate Ainu has possessive marking that is reminiscent of the Circum-Pacific pattern. It is distinctive, however, in that the possessor is coded not as a dependent in an NP but as an argument in a finite clause, and the appositive word is a verb. This paper gives a first comprehensive, typologically grounded description of Ainu possession and reconstructs the pattern that must have been standard when Ainu was still the daily language of a large speech community; Ainu then had multiple alienable class constructions. We report a cross-linguistic survey expanding previous coverage of the appositive type and show how Ainu fits in. We split alienable/inalienable into two different phenomena: argument structure (with types based on possessibility: optionally possessible, obligatorily possessed, and non-possessible) and valence (alienable, inalienable classes). Valence-changing operations are derived alienability and derived inalienability. Our survey classifies the possessive systems of languages in these terms.

scholarly journals Featural definition of syntactic positions: Evidence from hyper-raising

2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 2 ◽  
Author(s):  
Suzana Fong
Keyword(s):  
Phase Problem ◽  
Matrix Clause ◽  
The Matrix ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Embedded Clause ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
Finite Clause

Hyper-raising consists in raising a DP from an embedded finite clause into the matrix clause. HR introduces a phase problem: the embedded clause is finite, which is supposed to be impervious to raising. This can be overcome by postulating A-features at the C of the the embedded clause. They trigger the movement of the subject to [Spec, CP]. Being at the edge of a phase, it is visible to a matrix probe. If successful, this analysis provides support for the claim that syntactic positions are not inherently A or A-bar; they can be defined featurally instead.

scholarly journals Verbs of falling and their argument structure in Circassian languages

2020 ◽  
Vol XVI (1) ◽  
pp. 723-756
Author(s):  
I. Bagirokova ◽  
◽  
D. Ryzhova ◽  
◽  
Keyword(s):  
Argument Structure ◽  
Cognitive Linguistics ◽  
Initial Point ◽  
Surface Expression ◽  
Special Importance ◽  
Vertical Orientation ◽  
Caucasian Family ◽  
Different Types ◽  
Corpus Data ◽  
Initial Source

This paper describes the semantics of falling in Adyghe and Kuban Kabardian from a typological perspective. The analysis is based on corpus data, accompanied by the results of elicitation. Although they represent the same Circassian branch of the Northwest Caucasian family, Adyghe and Kabardian still demonstrate some differences in the way their predicates of falling are lexicalized: while in Adyghe we have a distributive system which includes special lexical means for different types of falling (verbal root -fe- for falling from above, wəḳʷerejə- for losing vertical orientation, -zǝfor detachment, and verbs from adjacent semantic domains such as -we- ‘beat’ for destruction), there is only one dominant (-xwe-) and several peripheral predicates in the Kabardian language. What is peculiar about these languages, when compared to the available typological data, is that the parameter of orientation to the initial (Source) vs. final point (Goal) of movement is of special importance in lexicalizing cases of falling. In Circassian languages, simultaneous surface expression of Source and Goal of movement within a clause is prohibited for morphosyntactic reasons, and the lexemes denoting falling are divided into Source- vs. Goal-oriented ones. For some verbal roots, this orientation is an intrinsic semantic property (cf. -zǝ- which is always Source-oriented); in other cases, it is marked with specifi c affi xes (cf. a locative combination je-…-xǝ ‘down’ which marks re-orientation to the Source of falling of the initially Goal-oriented Adyghe verb -fe-). Thus, our analysis of the material may not only help to contribute to the general typology of falling but may throw light on such a phenomenon in cognitive linguistics as the emphasis on the fi nal point of movement in opposition to the initial point, also known as goal bias

A construction grammar analysis of the transitivebeperfect in present-day Canadian English

2015 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 157-178 ◽  
Author(s):  
YURI YERASTOV
Keyword(s):  
Argument Structure ◽  
Construction Grammar ◽  
Syntactic Analysis ◽  
Underlying Structure ◽  
Canadian English ◽  
Syntactic Theory ◽  
Fixed Material ◽  
Grammar Analysis ◽  
Generative Approach ◽  
Surface Realization

This article offers a syntactic analysis of the construction [be doneNP], e.g.I am done dinner, I am finished my homework, as found in Canadian English and some US dialects. After situating this construction in the context of a productive transitivebeperfect in Scots/English dialects, [be doneNP] will be distinguished from a set of its conceptual and structural relatives, and ultimately be shown not to be reducible to a surface realization of another underlying structure. From the perspective of syntactic theory, the article problematizes the parsimony of the mainstream generative approach (most recently in MacFadden & Alexiadou 2010) in accounting for the facts of [be doneNP] on strictly compositional grounds, as well as the mainstream view of lexical items as projecting theta grids and subcategorization frames (as e.g. in Grimshaw 1979; Emonds 2000). Following Fillmoreet al.(1988), Goldberg (1995, 2005) and others, what will be suggested instead is a construction grammar approach to [be doneNP], under which a construction holistically licenses its argument structure. Along these lines [be doneNP] will be characterized as an abstract construction with some fixed material.

How to Neutralize a Finite Clause Boundary: Phase Theory and the Grammar of Bound Pronouns

2018 ◽  
Vol 49 (3) ◽  
pp. 465-499 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas Grano ◽  
Howard Lasnik
Keyword(s):  
Subject Position ◽  
Boundary Phase ◽  
Quantifier Scope ◽  
Phase Theory ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Embedded Clause ◽  
Comparative Deletion ◽  
Finite Clause

A bound pronoun in the subject position of a finite embedded clause renders the clause boundary relatively transparent to relations ordinarily confined to monoclausal, control, and raising configurations. For example, too/ enough-movement structures involving a finite clause boundary are degraded in sentences like * This book is too long [for John to claim [that Bill read ___ in a day]] but improved when the finite clause has a bound pronominal subject as in ? This book is too long [for John1 to claim [that he1 read ___ in a day]]. This bound pronoun effect holds across a wide range of phenomena including too/ enough-movement, tough-movement, gapping, comparative deletion, antecedent-contained deletion, quantifier scope interaction, multiple questions, pseudogapping, reciprocal binding, and multiple sluicing; we confirm the effect via a sentence acceptability experiment targeting some of these phenomena. Our account has two crucial ingredients: (a) bound pronouns optionally enter the derivation with unvalued ϕ-features and (b) phases are defined in part by convergence, so that under certain conditions, unvalued features void the phasal status of CP and extend the locality domain for syntactic operations.

scholarly journals The shapes of collocation

2016 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 139-164 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul Baker
Keyword(s):  
Graph Theory ◽  
Corpus Analysis ◽  
Different Types ◽  
Reference Corpus

The tool GraphColl (Brezina et al. 2015) allows collocational networks to be identified within corpora, enabling corpus analysis to go beyond two-way collocation. This paper aims to illustrate the types of linguistic relationships that can appear when more than two words are considered, using graph theory to account for the different types of collocational “shapes” that can be formed within GraphColl networks. Using the reference corpus, the BE06, examples of different types of graphs were obtained and analysed in order to form an understanding of the sorts of relationships between words that occur in particular shapes. The analysis indicates that concepts from graph theory can be usefully integrated into corpus analysis of collocation as well as showing the potential for a more sophisticated understanding of the company that words keep.

Morphological fusion without syntactic fusion: The case of the “verificative” in Agul

Linguistics ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 54 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Timur Maisak
Keyword(s):  
Argument Structure ◽  
Unusual Case ◽  
Unknown Variable ◽  
The Matrix ◽  
Recent Origin ◽  
Semantic Shift ◽  
Truth Value ◽  
Embedded Clause ◽  
Matrix Verb ◽  
Over Time

AbstractA crosslinguistically unusual case of morphological fusion, in which two clauses fuse morphologically in the absence of preceding syntactic fusion or clause union, is found in the East Caucasian language Agul. This phenomenon involves a set of “verificative” verbal forms (forms that seek ‘to find out the truth value or the value of an unknown variable’). The verificatives are completely morphologically bound, but manifest clear biclausal properties: in particular, the introduction of a new agentive argument by the verificative (the ergative “verifier”) causes no change in the argument structure of the embedded clause. This article argues that the Agul verificative has grammaticalized from the matrix verb ‘see’ plus an indirect question complement in the conditional form: over time, the two verbal heads have fused into one form. Partial parallels to this development can be found in the related languages Archi and Lezgian, where a semantic shift from ‘see’ to ‘check, find out’ is attested, together with a change in subject encoding from typically experiential (dative) to canonically agentive (ergative). Still, the complete morphologization of the verificative structure in Agul dialects remains exceptional given its comparatively recent origin, the infrequency of the construction, and the general absence of observed cases in which matrix verbs become fused with their complements.

Competence, Performance, and the Locality of Quantifier Raising: Evidence from 4-Year-Old Children

2011 ◽  
Vol 42 (2) ◽  
pp. 305-337 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kristen Syrett ◽  
Jeffrey Lidz
Keyword(s):  
Landing Site ◽  
Locality Constraint ◽  
The Matrix ◽  
Quantifier Raising ◽  
Embedded Clause ◽  
Finite Clause ◽  
Insight Into

We revisit the purported locality constraint on Quantifier Raising (QR) by investigating children's and adults' interpretation of antecedent-contained-deletion (ACD) sentences, where the interpretation depends on the landing site targeted by QR out of an embedded clause. When ACD is embedded in a nonfinite clause, 4-year-old children and adults access both the embedded and the matrix interpretations. When ACD is embedded in a finite clause, and the matrix interpretation is generally believed to be ungrammatical, children and even some adults access both readings. These findings allow for the possibility that the source of QR's reputed locality constraint may instead be extragrammatical, and they provide insight into the development of the human sentence parser.

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