scholarly journals As lutas femininas por educação, igualdade e cidadania

Author(s):  
Jane Almeida

As mulheres sempre lutaram por direitos que lhes foram negados num mundo construído sob a autoridade masculina. Os vários movimentos feministas mostraram que nessas lutas, além do direito político ao voto, as mulheres reivindicaram educação, instrução, igualdade e cidadania, o que lhes possibilitariam o trânsito da esfera doméstica para o espaço público. Este artigo realiza uma breve trajetória sobre esse movimento baseado nas reivindicações femininas, e conclui que, apesar das conquistas que foram efetivadas, ainda resta muito por fazer nesse plano, no qual a educação desempenha importante papel. Palavras-chave: mulheres; educação; feminismo; cidadania. Abstract Women have always fought for rights that were denied to them in a world built under the masculine authority. Besides the political right to vote, several feminist movements showed that in those fights. Women demanded education, instruction, equality and citizenship, which would facilitate their transition from the domestic sphere to the public space. This article reports a brief trajectory about that movement based on the feminine revindications. It concludes that, in spite of the conquests that were accomplished, there are still much to be done in this area, in which education plays important part. Keyword: women; education; feminism; citizenship.

2017 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 261
Author(s):  
Kimberly Farias Monteiro ◽  
Leilane Serratine Grubba

A luta das mulheres pela conquista de direitos, especialmente pelo direito civil e político ao voto, foi visível e teve nítido enfoque durante a denominada primeira onda do movimento feminista, que transcorreu pelos séculos XIX e XX. Muitos movimentos marcaram a reivindicação das mulheres pelo direito ao voto, em especial e como um dos mais marcantes, o movimento Sufragista. As Sufragistas, primeiras ativistas do feminismo no século XIX, passaram a ser conhecidas pela sociedade da época devido as suas fortes manifestações públicas em prol dos direitos políticos, com ênfase no direito ao voto. Esse cenário é retratado pelo filme As Sufragistas, estreado no ano de 2015, que relata a luta de mulheres pelo direito ao voto e o movimento sufragista liderado por Emmeline Pankhurst. O artigo problematiza o início da luta de gênero por direitos políticos, com ênfase nos estudos de Direito e Cinema. Dessa forma, a análise do resultado político na luta por direitos da primeira onda do movimento feminista pode ser exemplificado pelo filme As Sufragistas. O filme retrata as condições precárias da mulher no trabalho e sua submissão aos homens; mostra como o Direito e o Cinema podem relacionar-se com o intuito de explorar as realidades vivenciadas pelas mulheres em busca de seus direitos. Nesse sentido, o artigo objetiva, através da análise de cenas e linguagem do filme As Sufragistas, explorar a batalha das Sufragistas pela conquista do voto feminino e, consequentemente, demonstrar que, por meio do Cinema e através de suas imagens é possível retratar as realidades e, assim, as condições às quais as mulheres foram submetidas por longos anos. Palavras-chave: Direitos Humanos. Direitos Políticos. Cinema. Feminismo.Abstract: Women’s struggle for rights, especially civil and political right to vote, had a clear focus during the first wave of the feminist movement that went through the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Many movements marked the women’s claim to the right to vote, in particular and one of the most striking, the Sufragist movement. Sufragists, the first activists of feminism in the nineteenth century, came to be known by the society of the time due to its strong public manifestations for political rights, especially the right to vote. This scenario is portrayed by the film Suffragette, released in the year 2015, which relates the struggle of women for the right to vote and the suffragist movement led by Emmeline Pankhurst. The purpose of this article is to analyze the beginning of the gender struggle for political rights, with emphasis on Law and Cinema studies. In this way, the analysis of the political outcome in the struggle for rights of the first wave of the feminist movement can be exemplified by the film Suffragette. The film portrays the precarious conditions of women at work and their submission to men; Shows how law and cinema relate to the purpose of exploring the realities experienced by women in search of their rights. In this sense, the present article aims, trought the analysis of scenes and language of the film Suffragette, to explore the battle of Sufragists by the conquest of the feminine vote and, consequently, demonstrate trought the Cinema and trought images it is possible to portray the realities and thus the conditions to which women were submitted. Keywords: Cinema. Feminism. Human Rights. Political Rights.


2017 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Léa Maria Carrer Iamashita

Resumo O artigo trata das representações do feminino e da mulher brasileira no espaço público e privado, inseridas no debate educacional da década de 1920. A reflexão sobre o papel das mulheres na modernização do país ocorria concomitante às demandas do movimento feminista. É da resposta a essas demandas feministas que trataremos aqui. Palavras-Chave: Modernização. Representações. Movimento Feminista.REPRESENTATIONS OF THE FEMININE IN THE EDUCATIONAL DEBATE IN THE 1920s: the presence of women in the public space and the project of Brazil's modernization Abstract The article focuses on the representations of the feminine and Brazilian women in both public and private realms embedded in the educational debate of the 1920s. The reflection about the role of women along the modernization of the country occurred in parallel to demands of feminist movements. It is about an answer to these demands that we address here.Keywords: Modernization. Representations. Feminist Movement.


2018 ◽  
Vol 72 (3) ◽  
pp. 693-716
Author(s):  
Zeynep Direk

Abstract This essay explores the late nineteenth and early twentieth Century gender debates in the late Ottoman Empire, and the early Republic of Turkey with a focus on Fatma Aliye’s presence in the public space, as the first Ottoman woman philosopher, novelist, and public intellectual. I choose to concentrate on her because of the important stakes of the gender debates of that period, and the ways in which they are echoed in the present can be effectively discussed by reflecting on the ways in which Fatma Aliye is read, presented, and received. In the first part of this paper, I talk about Fatma Aliye’s life and experience of her gender as a woman, and point to her key interests as a writer and philosopher. In the second part, I situate her in the political history of feminism during the Rearrangement Period (Tanzimat), the Second Constitutional Era (II. Meşrutiyet), and the institution of the modern Republic of Turkey. Lastly, in the third part, I discuss the diverse ways in which she is interpreted in contemporary Turkey. I explore the political impact of the reception of Fatma Aliye as an intellectual figure on the current gender debates in Turkey.


Kosmik Hukum ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Rizkon Maulana ◽  
Indriati Amarini ◽  
Ika Ariani Kartini

The fulfillment of political rights for persons with mental disabilities in general elections has not been running as it should be. Pros and cons arise when collecting data on citizens who have the right to vote at the time of general elections. This research analyzes how the fulfillment of the political rights of persons with mental disabilities in legislation and the obstacles experienced in fulfilling the political rights of persons with mental disabilities. This research is a normative juridical study using secondary data as the main data, namely books, journals, research results, and legislation. Secondary data were analyzed normatively qualitative. The results showed that the political rights of persons with disabilities, including persons with mental disabilities, are a component of human rights that must be fulfilled in a democratic country. The fulfillment of the political rights of persons with disabilities is generally based on Law Number 8 of 2016, namely Article 13 which stipulates that persons with disabilities have the political right to vote and be elected in public office. These rights are important to be respected, protected and fulfilled in order to achieve justice for eliminating political discrimination against persons with disabilities. As for the obstacles experienced in fulfilling the political rights of persons with mental disabilities, namely the difficulty in conveying socialization materials to persons with mental disabilities and the level of voter participation among persons with mental disabilities is still low.Keywords: Political Rights, General Election, Mental Disability


Author(s):  
Guillaume Heuguet

This exploratory text starts from a doctoral-unemployed experience and was triggered by the discussions within a collective of doctoral students on this particularly ambiguous status since it is situated between student, unemployed, worker, self-entrepreneur, citizen-subject of social rights or user-commuter in offices and forms. These discussions motivated the reading and commentary of a heterogeneous set of texts on unemployment, precariousness and the functioning of the institutions of the social state. This article thus focuses on the relationship between knowledge and unemployment, as embodied in the public space, in the relationship with Pôle Emploi, and in the academic literature. It articulates a threefold problematic : what is known and said publicly about unemployment? What can we learn from the very experience of the relationship with an institution like Pôle Emploi? How can these observations contribute to an understanding of social science inquiry and the political role of knowledge fromm precariousness?


Author(s):  
Daniel Toscano López

This chapter seeks to show how the society of the digital swarm we live in has changed the way individuals behave to the point that we have become Homo digitalis. These changes occur with information privatization, meaning that not only are we passive consumers, but we are also producers and issuers of digital communication. The overarching argument of this reflection is the disappearance of the “reality principle” in the political, economic, and social spheres. This text highlights that the loss of the reality principle is the effect of microblogging as a digital practice, the uses of which can either impoverish the space of people's experience to undermine the public space or achieve the mobilization of citizens against of the censorship of the traditional means of communication by authoritarian political regimes, such as the case of the Arab Spring in 2011.


2021 ◽  
pp. 79-94
Author(s):  
Kathleen Wellman

Although the ancient Greeks and Romans have long been appreciated as foundations for Western civilization, for these textbooks, the Greeks’ philosophy, gods, and immorality tar them as godless humanists. Nonetheless, the Greeks and the Romans allow these curricula to introduce several key social, political, and moral arguments. They assess whether ancient civilizations implemented the “family values” of the political right as it emerged in the 1970s. Thus the Greeks were commendable in excluding women from the public sphere and the Romans for their strong patriarchal families. But Rome fell when it failed to maintain family values. These textbooks disparage the Romans to downplay their influence on the American founding. Furthermore, the rise of Islam reveals the presence of Satan in the world. These curricula’s repudiation of the classical tradition reflects not only contemporary concerns of the religious right but also American anti-intellectualism.


2012 ◽  
Vol 11 (4) ◽  
pp. 410-443
Author(s):  
Sylvanus I. Ebohon

Abstract This paper interrogates the phenomena of gendered development and gendered opportunity structure in the context of the Nigerian project. On the basis of a body of empirical evidence, male dominance and female tokenism are presented. It is argued that while female participation has recorded steady growth, the emergence of women politicians in the “public face” makes a case for the exceptionality of agendered development in the Nigerian project. It is further argued that the rising profile e of women in the Nigerian ‘public space’ is not only one of the exceptionalities in the global discourse, but that it owes its emergence to post-colonial reform efforts. It is however argued that rising female profile under Goodluck Jonathan in the national executive space marks the rise of top-down approach to feminization of the public space. The paper also points out that the capacity of women to carve autonomous political space within the Nigerian project may be limited by the declining profile of bottom-up approach to female presence in elective offices. The sociological transition from biological femaleness to sociological maleness has engendered the phenomena of ‘female hybridization’ and token radicalism amongst women. The paper concludes with analysis of the sociological roots of de-empowerment located in the growth in women participation.


2011 ◽  
Vol 39 (1) ◽  
pp. 13-32 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anastas Vangeli

The background of the contemporary Macedonian “antiquization” can be found in the nineteenth century and the myth of ancient descent among Orthodox Slavic speakers in Macedonia, adopted partially due to Greek cultural inputs. The idea of Ancient Macedonian nationhood has also been included in the national mythology during the Yugoslav era. An additional factor for its preservation has been the influence of the Macedonian Diaspora. After independence, attempts to use myth of ancient descent had to be abandoned due to political pressure by Greece. Contemporary antiquization on the other hand, has been revived as an efficient tool for political mobilization. It is manifested as a belated invention and mass-production of tradition, carried out through the creation of new ceremonies, interventions in the public space and dissemination of mythological and metaphysical narratives on the origin of the nation. There have also been attempts to scientifically rationalize claims to ancient nationhood. On the political level, the process of antiquization reinforced the political primacy of its promoters, the ruling Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization – Democratic Party for Macedonian National Unity (VMRO-DPMNE), but had a negative impact on the interethnic relations and the international position of the country.


Author(s):  
Elizabeth Suhay ◽  
Brianna Maurer

The study of the “authoritarian personality” began in Europe with the rise of Hitler as an effort to understand why so many seemingly ordinary Germans (and others) were willing to lend their support to an obviously anti-democratic and racist leader. Research on authoritarianism continues in this vein today, although it is now used throughout the world to explain why many people oppose democratic institutions, support authoritarian leaders, and hold prejudiced attitudes. The study of authoritarianism is as popular as it is controversial, with scholars disagreeing over whether it is a personality characteristic or a set of attitudes, how it develops, whether it occurs only on the political right or on the left as well, and how it is best measured, among other debates. Even so, scholars generally agree on the characteristics associated with authoritarianism: those who exhibit authoritarianism tend to be high group identifiers, submissive to in-group authorities, traditional and conforming, and aggressive toward those who either defy accepted norms or are members of outgroups. As has been evident for decades, authoritarianism is closely associated with all manner of highly consequential social and political attitudes, including anti-Semitism, racism, xenophobia, and homophobia, opposition to civil liberties and rights, support for war, and, of course, support for leaders who govern in an authoritarian manner.


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