The Typology of the Providential Leader in the Modern Romanian Political Imaginary

2020 ◽  
Vol 64 (2) ◽  
pp. 70-79
Author(s):  
Sorin Mitu ◽  
Keyword(s):  
2020 ◽  
pp. 1-20
Author(s):  
Katrin Travouillon ◽  
Julie Bernath

Abstract The international community is as ubiquitous as it is elusive and its universalist pretensions remain unchallenged in political and academic discourse. In response, this article turns to Bottici's work on political myths. Against the notion of myths as falsehoods, we argue that they create their own sphere of shared social and political reality. The analysis centres on the case of Cambodia, a country that served as an experiment of liberal interventionism. It draws on archival and field research on two consecutive international interventions, a review of public statements by international actors, and interviews with Cambodian actors and activist. We argue that to understand the ideas actors use to orient themselves as they press for change, it is necessary to consider how decades of engagement with the myth have shaped the political imaginary. Our empirical analysis points to three different phases in the use of the myth: Its production during UNTAC, the reinforcement of its narratives through subsequent legal, aid and development interventions, and finally its contemporary use in a post-liberal context. We observe that Cambodian actors increasingly engage the myth to question the terms of transnational cooperation for democracy. Our work has implications for assessments of the legacies of liberal peacebuilding.


2021 ◽  
pp. 003232172199563
Author(s):  
Mihaela Mihai

This article identifies a blind spot in constructivist theories of representation and their account of legitimacy in terms of the challenge posed by ecologies of social ignorance, generally and especially during foundational moments. Social ignorance is conceptualised here not merely as the absence of knowledge or true belief but as a social practice of legitimising epistemically problematic political imaginaries and the institutional systems they underpin. In dialogue with social epistemologists and phenomenologists, the article shows how representation can nurture social ignorance, despite the availability of ample opportunities for political contestation and alternative opinion formation. A permanent feature of democratic politics, this problem becomes most salient during moments of constitutional re-founding, such as regime change, post-conflict reconstruction or constitutional referenda, when representative claims can reconfigure a community’s political imaginary, rendering it more or less ignorant. The representative claims made by the Vote Leave’s key figures during the Brexit referendum campaign serve as illustration.


2016 ◽  
Vol 44 (2) ◽  
pp. 241-257 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tony Smith

Worrell and Krier’s ‘Atopia Awaits! A Critical Sociological Analysis of Marx’s Political Imaginary’ raises serious issues regarding Marx’s legacy. They hold that a fatal flaw in Marx’s framework can be detected in his account of a post-capitalist society, which reveals a theoretically impoverished and politically dangerous neglect of essential features of social life. I argue that there are good reasons to reject Worrell and Krier’s thesis that Marx got immensely important things horribly wrong. Marx’s limited remarks on post-capitalist society are certainly inadequate in numerous respects. However, they point in the right general direction, and Worrell and Krier fail to offer a satisfactory alternative. The prospects for a critical social theory adequate to the immense challenges of the 21st century would be harmed if their readers agreed with the paper’s main thesis.


Author(s):  
Miryam Ibeth Robayo Pedraza

<p>Resumen</p><p>Este artículo, producto de la tesis de maestría “El imaginario social y político presente en la canción social o protesta en Colombia durante el periodo comprendido de 1960 – 1970”, muestra el papel preponderante que la canción protesta ha jugado en la historia de América Latina, al recoger las expresiones de inconformismo social que marcaron su época de apogeo entre los años 60 y 80 (cuando la izquierda ganaba terreno político como resultado del subdesarrollo, la creciente miseria, el descontento de la población y la falta de liderazgo de los mandatarios de la región, quienes fueron incapaces de plantear alternativas que permitieran superar estas problemáticas). La canción social se alimentó de la lírica universitaria, del sindicalismo, de las injusticias cotidianas, alentando la lucha por ideales, poderes y pertinencias, con un vocabulario y expresión acordes. El género decae hacia los años 80 como consecuencia de las crisis económicas y la llegada de las dictaduras, y su silenciamiento, así como el asesinato o exilio de sus intérpretes, acompaña la estrangulación de cualquier anhelo de cambio revolucionario en el continente.</p><p>Palabras claves</p><p>Canción protesta, descontento, sindicalismo, luchas sociales, música, movimientos sociales.</p><p> </p><p>Uirsiaikunawa iachari mana allilla kagta Politikapi XX watakunapi Sugllapi Kaipi maestría ima Niriagta 1960- 1970 imasa kagta Colombiapi watakunapi america Latinapi chi watakunapi 60- 80 vincikurka llukikunaa sugrigcha kawachingapa pueblokunata mana sumarkakunata chasakuna, religiónpi mana pudirkuna allilla tukungapa tukuikuna. Ima suti Rimai Simi: Virsiaikunawa, mana allilla, sindicalismo, lucha social, virsiakuna, gintikunapa iuiai.</p><p> </p><p>PROTEST SONG AS AN EXPRESSION OF SOCIAL AND POLITICAL DISSENT IN THE 20TH CENTURY .Abstract</p><p>This article, stemming from the master’s thesis “The Social and Political Imaginary in the Social or Protest Song in Colombia during the period of 1960 to 1970”, shows the important role that protest song has played in the history of Latin America in collecting the expressions of social dissent that marked its heyday from the 60s into the 80s (when the left won political ground as a result of underdevelopment, increasing poverty, the discontent of the population and the lack of leadership from the heads of state of the region, who were unable to propose solutions that would overcome these problems). The protest song fed from university poetry, from trade unionism and from daily injustices, encouraging the fight for ideals, empowerment and the urgent, with the vocabulary and expressions that best suited them. The genre decayed during the 80s as a result of the economic crises and the advent of dictatorships; its silencing, as well as the murder or exile of its performers, accompanied the death of every hope for revolutionary change on the continent.</p><p>Keywords</p><p>Protest song, discontent, unionism, social struggles, music, social movements.</p><p>LA CHANSON SOCIALE COMME EXPRESSION DE LA NON-CONFORMITE SOCIALE ET POLITIQUE AU XXE SIECLE. Résumé</p><p>Cet article, produit du mémoire de Master sur « L’imaginaire social et politique présent dans la chanson sociale ou de protestation en Colombie pendant la période 1960-1970 », montre le rôle prépondérant que la chanson engagée a joué dans l’histoire de l’Amérique latine, en rassemblant les expressions de non-conformisme social qui ont marqué à l’époque de leur apogée entre les années 60 et 80 (quand la gauche gagnait du terrain politique suite au sous-développement, à la misère croissante, au mécontentement de la population et au manque de leadership des mandataires de la région, ceux qui ont été incapables de poser des alternatives qui permettraient de dépasser ces problématiques). La chanson sociale s’est nourrie de la lyrique universitaire, du syndicalisme, des injustices quotidiennes, en encourageant la lutte pour des idéaux, des pouvoirs et des pertinences, avec un vocabulaire et une expression concordants. Le genre dépérit vers les années 80 suite aux crises économiques et à l’arrivée des dictatures, et son étouffement, ainsi que le meurtre ou l’exil de ses interprètes, accompagne l’étranglement de toute aspiration de changement révolutionnaire dans le continent.</p><p>Mots clés</p><p>Chanson engagée, mécontentement, syndicalisme, luttes sociales, musique, mouvements sociaux.</p><p>A CANÇÃO SOCIAL COMO UMA EXPRESSÃO DE INCONFORMISMO SOCIAL E POLÍTICA NO SÉCULO XX. Resumo</p><p>Este artigo, produto da tese de mestrado “El imaginario social y político presente en la canción social o protesta en Colombia durante el periodo comprendido de 1960 – 1970”, (O imaginário social e político presente na mùsica social ou de protesto na Colômbia durante o período compreendido de 1960 – 1970. Mostra o papel importante que a música de protesto tem desempenhado na história da América Latina, para recolher expressões de inconformismo social que marcou o seu auge na década de 60 e 80 anos ( quando a esquerda ganhou terreno político como resultado do subdesenvolvimento, crescimento da miséria, o descontentamento da população e a falta de liderança dos líderes da região que eram incapazes de propor alternativas que permitiam superar esses problemas) A mùsica social foi alimentada da lírica universitária, do sindicalismo, das injustiças diárias, encorajando a luta pelos ideais, poderes e relevância com um vocabulário e expressão acordes. O decaimento do gênero foi nos anos 80 como consequência das crises econômicas e a chegada das ditaduras, silenciamento, assim como o assassinato ou exílio dos intérpretes, acompanha estuangulamento de qualquer desejo de mudança revolucionária no continente.</p><p>Palavras chaves</p><p>Canção de Protesto , o descontentamento, o sindicalismo, lutas sociais, música, movimentos sociais.</p>


Author(s):  
Joshua Glick

As Wolper Productions continued to make documentaries and experiment with fiction, the studio provided a professional entry point for promising talent and off-and-on employment for filmmakers involved with New Hollywood features. This chapter investigates Wolper Productions’s output during a period in which the film and television industries faced a precarious financial situation. The studio helped create a political imaginary for Lyndon B. Johnson’s Great Society. Additionally, Wolper Productions’s forays into programs with Jacques-Yves Cousteau charted a fresh path for nonfiction. Packaging American history or capturing recent events, however, soon proved to be a troublesome venture. Wolper Productions’s prospective adaptation of William Styron’s novel The Confessions of Nat Turner (1967) was one of the earliest attempts by a major studio to make a commercial film about black power themes and figures. The opposition to the film, however, resulted in a public relations disaster for Wolper Productions. Wolper and his circle came to understand the importance of having community support from the minority group the studio sought to represent.


This chapter describes radical pessimism as a neoliberal democratic political affect that combines of radical worldviews with a belief that change is impossible. It begins with the question of how past and present forms of political violence have shaped Mayan conceptions about the limits of democracy and of their own political agency, leading many to “sell out” for personal interest. It documents how Sampedranos retain elements of radical political imaginary that predominated in the region in the 1970s, prior to the extreme state violence of the 1980s, but that routine acts of state violence targeted at social movements that informs engagements with hostile sovereign forces, including authoritarian political parties. The chapter also describes how these political imaginaries are being reconfigured through more recent forms of politics in defense of territory against extractive industries. The conclusion reflects on the possibility of a radical organization of pessimism.


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