Did the Defeat of Saddam Hussein Reduce Suicide Bombing Casualties and Attacks in Israel? A Statistical Analysis

2004 ◽  
Vol 95 (3) ◽  
pp. 831-834 ◽  
Author(s):  
Walter R. Schumm
Keyword(s):  
Statistical Analysis ◽  
Suicide Bombing ◽  
Saddam Hussein ◽  
The U.S ◽  
Invasion Of Iraq

It was hypothesized that one of the reasons for the U.S. invasion of Iraq was to stop the payments being made by Saddam Hussein to the families of suicide (homicide) bombers in Israel. The consequences of suicide (homicide) bombing attacks against Israel between March 2001 and August 2004 were evaluated as related to the time of the U.S. invasion of Iraq. On average per month during this period, there were fewer overall casualties after the invasion than before it. As many as nearly 1,100 casualties may have been prevented in Israel as a consequence of the U.S. invasion of Iraq, suggesting that at least one possible goal of the U.S. invasion may have been achieved, at least as averaged over the first 17 months after the invasion.

Meddling in the Ballot Box

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dov H. Levin
Keyword(s):  
Statistical Analysis ◽  
Theoretical Model ◽  
Preliminary Analysis ◽  
Great Powers ◽  
Archival Research ◽  
Micro Level ◽  
Election Results ◽  
Level Analysis ◽  
The U.S ◽  
Scholarly Attention

This book examines why partisan electoral interventions occur as well as their effects on the election results in countries in which the great powers intervened. A new dataset shows that the U.S. and the USSR/Russia have intervened in one out of every nine elections between 1946 and 2000 in other countries in order to help or hinder one of the candidates or parties; the Russian intervention in the 2016 U.S. elections is just the latest example. Nevertheless, electoral interventions receive scant scholarly attention. This book develops a new theoretical model to answer both questions. It argues that electoral interventions are usually “inside jobs,” occurring only if a significant domestic actor within the target wants it. Likewise, electoral interventions won’t happen unless the intervening country fears its interests are endangered by another significant party or candidate with very different and inflexible preferences. As for the effects it argues that such meddling usually gives a significant boost to the preferred side, with overt interventions being more effective than covert ones in this regard. However, unlike in later elections, electoral interventions in founding elections usually harm the aided side. A multi-method framework is used in order to study these questions, including in-depth archival research into six cases in which the U.S. seriously considered intervening, the statistical analysis of the aforementioned dataset (PEIG), and a micro-level analysis of election surveys from three intervention cases. It also includes a preliminary analysis of the Russian intervention in the 2016 U.S. elections and the cyber-future of such meddling in general.

Syria under Pressure

2004 ◽  
Vol 33 (4) ◽  
pp. 53-69 ◽  
Author(s):  
ANDERS STRINDBERG
Keyword(s):  
Political Culture ◽  
Economic Sanctions ◽  
Weapons Of Mass Destruction ◽  
Mass Destruction ◽  
Government Officials ◽  
Wrong Side ◽  
Military Presence ◽  
Sharp Criticism ◽  
The U.S ◽  
Invasion Of Iraq

Syria's sharp criticism of the U.S.-led invasion of Iraq in March 2003 opened a particularly tense phase in Syrian-American relations, culminating in the May 2004 imposition of U.S. economic sanctions under the Syria Accountability Act. While accusing Damascus of being on the ““wrong side”” in the wars against terror and Iraq, Washington has raised a number of other issues, including Syria's military presence in Lebanon, its support for Hizballah and various Palestinian factions, its alleged ““interference”” in Iraq, and its possible possession of weapons of mass destruction. This report, based on numerous interviews with government officials, analysts, opposition figures, and ordinary citizens, examines Syria's reactions to these allegations, gradual changes in Syrian political culture, and various domestic developments.

America and the World

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mugambi Jouet
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
United Nations ◽  
American Exceptionalism ◽  
Manifest Destiny ◽  
Original Analysis ◽  
The World ◽  
The U.S ◽  
Western Democracies ◽  
Invasion Of Iraq

America has long been much more inclined than other Western democracies to defy norms of diplomacy, international law, and human rights deemed against its interests, although these stances have at times profoundly divided the U.S. public. Americans were bitterly divided over the Bush administration’s use of torture, its aim to detain alleged terrorists forever without trial at Guantanamo, and its catastrophic invasion of Iraq on grounds later revealed to be false. The Obama administration’s rather different approach to foreign policy proved divisive too. The chapter explores why Americans are far more polarized than Europeans over fundamental issues like war, diplomacy, the United Nations, and human rights. From the ideal of Manifest Destiny to America’s relative geographic isolation, superpower status, and the idea that God chose it to lead the world, Mugambi Jouet’s original analysis explains the interrelationship between the different aspects of American exceptionalism shaping U.S. foreign policy.

Exploring Factors That Lead to People Watching Professional Soccer on Television

2018 ◽  
pp. 436-469
Author(s):  
Alan D. Smith ◽  
Steve R. Clinton
Keyword(s):  
Social Media ◽  
Statistical Analysis ◽  
Conceptual Model ◽  
Decision Makers ◽  
Bottom Line ◽  
Professional Soccer ◽  
History Of ◽  
Media Interaction ◽  
The U.S ◽  
Television Ratings

The purpose of this study is to examine and determine factors that lead to increased television ratings for soccer in the U.S. The study primarily focuses on fantasy soccer participation, involvement in soccer, presence of a local professional team, and social media interaction. After providing a brief history of soccer television ratings in the U.S., a conceptual model based on these factors is developed and explained. The factors of this conceptual model are tested through statistical analysis. Based on these results, the model provides recommendations and conclusions for soccer decision makers to increase television ratings in the future, which ultimately will drive and increase the bottom line of all parties involved.

Battle for Value

2012 ◽  
pp. 578-597
Author(s):  
Micah May ◽  
Timothy Smith
Keyword(s):  
Strategic Plan ◽  
Government Agencies ◽  
Military Leaders ◽  
Test Strategy ◽  
Business Executives ◽  
History Of ◽  
Stakeholder Needs ◽  
The U.S ◽  
Invasion Of Iraq

A wargame is competitive simulation used to build and test strategy. Wargames have been used by military leaders throughout history, notably by the Persians and Napoleon (Figure 1), and more recently by the U.S. when planning its invasion of Iraq. They have also been used effectively by business executives, leaders in government agencies, and even non-profits. They can be powerful tools to generate creative ideas, surface and resolve taboo issues, anticipate competitive responses, identify and prioritize stakeholder needs, assess likely market acceptance of a product or service, or to build and test a strategic plan. In following chapter, the authors (1) define what a wargame is and briefly introduce the reader to the concept and history of wargaming, (2) explain why wargaming is valuable and when it can be used most fruitfully, and finally (3) describe how to run a wargame, spanning from the relatively simple to the more complex. As Karl Von Clausewitz so eloquently put it, “everything in war is simple; but the simplest thing is difficult...”

Can America Nation-Build?

2007 ◽  
Vol 59 (2) ◽  
pp. 314-340 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jason Brownlee
Keyword(s):  
Political Institutions ◽  
Prior Experience ◽  
Nation Building ◽  
Democracy Promotion ◽  
New Democracies ◽  
Antecedent Conditions ◽  
Local Political Institutions ◽  
External Intervention ◽  
The U.S ◽  
Invasion Of Iraq

Post-9/11 security concerns and the U.S.-led invasion of Iraq have renewed scholarly interest in nation-building as a form of externally fostered democratization. The selected works assess Iraq and its precursors, seeking general lessons for establishing new democracies. They principally conclude that successful nation-building depends on sustained commitments of time, materiel, and manpower. Although this thesis improves upon earlier studies of democracy promotion, which often treated intentions as determinative, it does not fully reckon with the effect of antecedent conditions on external intervention. As this review addresses, American efforts at nation-building have historically been enabled or constrained by local political institutions. Rather than autonomously reengineering the target society, nation-builders have buttressed bureaucracies and parliaments where they were already available (Germany, Japan) and foundered in countries that lacked such institutions (Somalia, Haiti). In sum, nation-building has been most effective when pursued least ambitiously, amid functioning states with prior experience in constitutional government.

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