scholarly journals Economic Evolutions During the Cold War – Romania in the COMECON (1949-1965)

2020 ◽  
Vol 30 (4) ◽  
pp. 132-145
Author(s):  
Cristian Bențe
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Eastern Europe ◽  
Second World War ◽  
Eastern European ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Run Up ◽  
Sphere Of Influence ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
European Economies ◽  
Second World

AbstractThe purpose of this work is to present objectively and documented the evolution of Romania within the Council of Mutual Economic Aid (C.M.E.A. or C.O.M.E.C.O.N.) during 1949-1965. Choosing this period of time is not random: in 1949 COMECON was established at the initiative of Moscow, and the year 1965 represented the peak of the “dissidence” politics of Romania within the Council. The Romanian economy after the Second World War followed largely the same path as the other economies in Eastern Europe that entered the sphere of influence of the Soviet Union. The war and the new international situation in which Romania found itself at its end determined a dramatic rupture with the economic model followed in the interwar period. In the run-up to the end of the world conflict, the main interest of the hegemonic power in Eastern Europe, the Soviet Union, was to benefit from the resources of the countries in the area to compensate for the immense damage caused by the war. The exploitation of Eastern European economies intensified after Moscow became aware of the impossibility of obtaining substantial war reparations from Germany.

International Memory Wars

2021 ◽  
pp. 62-83
Author(s):  
Marlene Laruelle
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Eastern Europe ◽  
Second World War ◽  
Eastern European ◽  
World War ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Ukrainian Crisis ◽  
Eastern European Countries ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Second World

This chapter argues that the perception of Russia as an antifascist power has been reinforced by memory wars that have reshaped the relationship between Russia and its Central and Eastern European neighbors. It examines how the emergence and gradual visibility gained by the narrative of the Soviet Union as an occupier with a totalitarian ideology shocked the Russian elite and public opinion. Given the context of memory wars, the chapter focuses on the issue of defining who was fascist and who colluded with Nazism — the Soviet Union between 1939 and 1941 or the collaborationist forces in Central and Eastern Europe. This chapter then presents Russia's response to the new memories articulated by Central and Eastern European countries on two fronts: legal and historiographical. Ultimately, the chapter highlights how the Ukrainian crisis demonstrated that memories have been instrumental in “real” wars, as all parties claim that their martyrdom and heroism during the Second World War entitle them to some recognition today.

THE REAPPRAISAL OF VETERANS’ STATUS IN POST-COMMUNIST SOCIETIES - ROMANIA’S CASE

2017 ◽  
pp. 35-47
Author(s):  
Carmen Sorina Rijnoveanu
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Second World War ◽  
Communist Regime ◽  
Complex Issue ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
The Status ◽  
Sphere Of Influence ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
The Military ◽  
Second World

Povzetek Status vojnih veteranov v Romuniji je v vsem obdobju komunizma veljal kot občutljivo in zapleteno vprašanje, kar je treba pripisati svojski angažiranosti vojske med drugo svetovno vojno, ko se je Romunija kot zaveznica Nemčije med letoma 1941 in 1944 obrnila proti Sovjetski zvezi. Geopolitična stvarnost povojnega obdobja je Romunijo pahnila v sovjetsko vplivno območje, s čimer se je v komunističnem režimu oblikoval tudi način obravnave statusa veteranov, ki so se borili proti sovjetski zaveznici, in sicer tako, da jim je odrekel posebne pravice in privilegije. S spremembo političnega sistema po koncu hladne vojne je bil status veteranov ponovno ovrednoten, in postavljen je bil tudi temelj za obsežne spremembe nacionalne zakonodaje in predvsem opredelitev vloge veteranov v družbi. Z novimi obveznostmi, ki jih je Romunija prevzela na mednarodnih vojaških misijah in v operacijah pod vodstvom Nata, EU in OZN, se je po letu 1990 oblikovala nova kategorija veteranov. Čeprav se njihov status normalizira, še naprej ostaja predmet razprav. Ključne besede: veteran, vojna, združenje, status, zakonodaja. Abstract The status of war veterans in Romania was regarded as a sensitive and complex issue throughout the Communist period. This was due to the particularities of the military involvement during the Second World War, when Romania joined Germany against the Soviet Union between 1941 and 1944. The geopolitical realities which emerged after the war pushed Romania within the Soviet sphere of influence, and this was to shape the way in which the Communist regime approached the status of the veterans who fought against the Soviet ally, by denying them specific rights or privileges. With the change of the political system following the end of the Cold War, the status of the veterans was re-evaluated, settling the ground for broad changes with regard to national legislation and, in particular, the role played by the veterans in society. After 1990, a new category of veterans was established, given the new responsibilities assumed by Romania as part of the international military missions and operations under the lead of NATO, the EU and UN. Although the status of veterans in Romania has normalized since1990, this remains a dossier which needs to be further considered. Key words veteran, war, association, status, legislation

In a Changing America

Arthur Szyk ◽  
2004 ◽  
pp. 217-232
Author(s):  
Joseph P. Ansell
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
The United States ◽  
Second World War ◽  
Early Years ◽  
The Political ◽  
World War ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
Freedom Struggles ◽  
Second World

This chapter encompasses Arthur Szyk's final years. It shows his continued dedication to freedom struggles around the world even as it contemplates on the dwindling number of exhibitions he held during this period. During this time, the United States was also turning inward after the Second World War. This attitude was one which Szyk did not share and which his work, with its liberal and international themes, did not support. Moreover, the chapter reveals his growing sympathy towards the Soviet Union, which was so evident in the political cartoons and related works from the years of alliance during the Second World War. It also shows that, by the early years of the Cold War, his health was somewhat precarious, forcing him to choose his activities carefully.

War and Genocide 1939–1945

2013 ◽  
pp. 308-379
Author(s):  
Antony Polonsky
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Eastern Europe ◽  
Second World War ◽  
Dual Process ◽  
World War ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
North Eastern ◽  
History Of ◽  
Total Separation ◽  
Second World

This chapter explores how the outbreak of the Second World War initiated a new and tragic period in the history of the Jews of north-eastern Europe. The Polish defeat by Nazi Germany in the unequal campaign that began in September of 1939 led to a new partition of the country by Germany and the Soviet Union. Though Hitler had been relatively slow to put the more extreme aspects of Nazi antisemitism into practice, by the time the war broke out, the Nazi regime was set in its deep-seated hatred of the Jews. Following the brutal violence of Kristallnacht on November 9–10, 1938, when up to a hundred Jews were murdered in Germany and Austria and over 400 synagogues burnt down, Hitler, disconcerted by the domestic and foreign unease which this provoked, decided to entrust policy on the Jews to the ideologues of the SS. They were determined at this stage to enforce a ‘total separation’ between Jews and Germans, but wanted to do so in an ‘orderly and disciplined’ manner, perhaps by compelling most Jews to emigrate. The Nazis did not act immediately on the genocidal threat of ‘the annihilation of the Jews as a race in Europe’, but during the first months of the war, a dual process took place: the barbarization of Nazi policy generally and a hardening of policy towards Jews.

Growing Up Communist in the Netherlands and Britain

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elke Weesjes
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
The Netherlands ◽  
Second World War ◽  
Political Movements ◽  
Growing Up ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Post War ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
Second World

This book documents communists' attempts, successful and otherwise, to overcome their isolation and to connect with the major social and political movements of the twentieth century. Communist parties in Britain and the Netherlands emerged from the Second World War expecting to play a significant role in post-war society, due to their domestic anti-fascist activities and to the part played by the Soviet Union in defeating fascism. The Cold War shattered these hopes, and isolated communist parties and their members. By analysing the accounts of communist children, Weesjes highlights their struggle to establish communities and define their identities within the specific cultural, social, and political frameworks of the Cold War period and beyond.

VISION OF POLISH-UKRAINIAN RELATIONS IN POLISH POLITICAL THOUGHT IN 1945-1964

2019 ◽  
pp. 32-37
Author(s):  
Oleksandr Shevchenko
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Political Thought ◽  
Second World War ◽  
Complete Agreement ◽  
Eastern European ◽  
The Balkans ◽  
Bilateral Relations ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
The Times ◽  
Second World

The relevance of the study of the evolution of the vision of Polish-Ukrainian relations in Polish political thought today lies in the fact that this process led to a peaceful resolution of the issue of the border in 1991, when the first Polish- Ukrainian settlements were concluded. According to some authors, the concept of ULB, also called the »doctrine of Giedroyc», has kept the entire Eastern European region from the scenario that occurred in the Balkans. In addition, in articles from the period of common communist captivity, we find many theses about the possibility of solving complicated difficult historical problems, which looks particularly active in the times of today’s next crisis in Polish- Ukrainian relations. The context of today’s Polish-Ukrainian relations is particularly important in this regard, because the crisis in the bilateral relations of our countries does not consist in any new topics, but in those that were often described by Polish and Ukrainian political journalists on emigration before the collapse of the Soviet Union. At the same time, by shaking up two directions of political thought, we can find both how common ideas and problems that the Polish and Ukrainian authors talk about, as well as the differences that today have created new problems in the relations of our countries. The scientific elaboration of the subject is diverse. If on the Polish side we find many editions of how to shape Polish Eastern policy in general, and the evolution of Polish-Ukrainian relations, then similar publications and books on the Ukrainian side are missing. And this is also the timeliness of this work. The hypothesis of the work is that the issues in which there was no complete agreement reached in these times are today partly responsible for the crisis in Polish-Ukrainian relations. At the same time, in some of the theses described in those times, many beneficial arrangements can be found now. It is worth highlighting the territorial and chronological framework to define the scope of work. The chronological work will cover the period 1945-1967. The choice of this period is conditioned by the fact that after the Second World War a new Polish-Ukrainian border was formed, which posed a number of new problems in bilateral relations. In addition, the Volyn tragedy was also a topic that needed an effort to find an agreement between the two nations.

scholarly journals Bukovina: A Borderland Region in (Trans-)national Historiographies after 1945 and 1989–1991

2018 ◽  
Vol 33 (1) ◽  
pp. 176-195 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gaëlle Fisher ◽  
Maren Röger
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Second World War ◽  
West Germany ◽  
Future Research ◽  
World War ◽  
Methodological Nationalism ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Long Time ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
Second World

This article is part of the special cluster titled Bukovina and Bukovinians after the Second World War: (Re)shaping and (re)thinking a region after genocide and ‘ethnic unmixing’, guest edited by Gaëlle Fisher and Maren Röger. This introductory essay provides an overview of the historiography of the borderland region of Bukovina after 1945 and 1989–1991. Presenting the approaches adopted in different national contexts after the end of the Second World War, it points to the methodological nationalism which characterized research on the region during the Cold War. We show that while the historiography of Bukovina on the ground, in Romania and the Soviet Union, refracted wider national ideologies, abroad, particularly in West Germany and Israel, it remained for a long time the prerogative of small groups of “Bukovinians,” who saw it as their “lost home.” We explore both the similarities and differences between these narratives and stakeholders as well as the changes that took place after 1989–1991, especially in Romania and Ukraine. We show that while divided, the actors behind the narratives and thereby the narratives themselves have been connected in complex ways over the decades and particularly since the collapse of communism. Indeed, while for a long time the study of Bukovina resisted transnationalism, it nevertheless constituted and constitutes an ultimately transnational research object. Today, Bukovina remains a space of contest but it is also a space of opportunity, not least for researchers interested in the contested histories of borderland regions. This essay therefore contextualizes the themes and issues addressed in the following cluster of articles and identifies avenues for future research in this field.

Lithuanian Relations with Germany, 1939

1978 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-8
Author(s):  
Julius P. Slavenas
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Second World War ◽  
World War ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Sphere Of Influence ◽  
Second World

The ultimate course of Lithuanian history was determined at the outbreak of the Second World War by the provisions of the secret protocols to the Nazi-Soviet Non-Aggression Pact of 1939. In the original agreement of August 23, Lithuania was placed within the German sphere of influence with both powers recognizing Lithuania's interest in the Vilnius area which since the 1920 coup by General Lucjan Żeligowski had been under Polish sovereignty — to Lithuania's constant chagrin. In this same treaty, Latvia and Estonia were allotted to the Soviet Union. On September 28, however, this agreement received significant alterations, and Lithuania was now placed within the Soviet sphere with only one strip of land in the Southwest of Lithuania to be left for Germany. In exchange for this, the province of Lublin and parts of the province of Warsaw were transferred to the German sphere.

APPENDIX 2: Russian Legal Instruments Relating to Cultural Valuables Displaced as a Result of the Second World War, 1990–2009

2010 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 427-491
Author(s):  
Patricia Kennedy Grimsted
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Eastern Europe ◽  
Second World War ◽  
Cultural Property ◽  
Postwar Period ◽  
World War ◽  
Cultural Objects ◽  
European Context ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Second World

The following list is limited narrowly to post-1991 Russian legal instruments relating to cultural valuables of foreign provenance seized and transported to the Soviet Union from Germany and Eastern Europe at the end of the Second World War, or in the immediate postwar period. Widely known in Russia as the “trophy” valuables, officially those cultural objects (art, books, and archives) are usually referred to in Russia more euphemistically as “cultural valuables displaced [or relocated] to the USSR,” although most frequently translated in a European context as “displaced cultural valuables.” The term “displaced” is used here, and may include some cultural property and archives that came to the USSR during the war itself, as well as those removed from Germany and Eastern Europe by Soviet authorities at the end of or immediately after the war. Many items involved were actually twice captured, or “twice saved,” as the saying goes in Russia, having been first captured by the Nazis, mostly from “enemies of the regime,” and then captured a second time and “safeguarded” by the Soviets.

The Cominform: Tito's International?

1992 ◽  
Vol 35 (3) ◽  
pp. 641-663 ◽  
Author(s):  
Geoffrey Swain
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Eastern Europe ◽  
Second World War ◽  
Popular Front ◽  
World War ◽  
Cautious Approach ◽  
Coalition Governments ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Second World ◽  
Ideological Context

AbstractAlthough it is now recognized that the Stalin-Tito dispute was sparked off by Tito's desire to intervene decisively in the Greek civil war, the ideological context of that decision has never been fully explored. This article suggests that, since the early days of the Second World War, Tito had been committed to establishing a popular front ‘from below’, i.e. under clear communist control. He did this not only in Yugoslavia, but used his position in the war-time Comintern to persuade other communist parties to do the same. As a result he was dissatisfied with the all-party coalition governments established with Stalin's consent throughout Europe in 1945. Tito favoured a communist offensive, while Stalin, aware of the international position of the Soviet Union, favoured a more cautious approach. When Stalin summoned the first meeting of the Cominform in September 1947 and made Tito its de Facto leader, Tito mistakenly assumed he was to head a new international committed to a revolutionary offensive not only in Eastern Europe but in Greece and even Italy and France.

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