scholarly journals Traditional Elements in the Iranian Realistic Drama

2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Farindokht Zahedi

Modern Iranian drama developed in line with a liberal school of thought, bothbefore and after the Constitutional Revolution in 1906. It came during thetransition from a traditional to a new type of society that was able to tolerateand accept the revolution. The arrival of European theatre in 1878, with itsdependence on a written text rather than improvisatory acting, was part of themodernization process in Iran that enjoyed its height in the early years of thetwentieth century. At the same time, traditional theatre was being rediscovered,and playwrights started using some of its forms to develop indigenous modernIranian theatre to meet the standards of the genuine past and dynamic present.Although there was an assimilation of certain secular tendencies, the newlyappearing type of drama satisfied the need for modernity through defendingpolitical and social liberties. The road to transition began in the 1850’s andgained momentum during the 1940’s through the 1970’s, leaving its effects onIranian drama in such a way that its legacy persists to date.Keywords: realistic drama; Iranian drama; Iran Constitutional Revolution

Author(s):  
Frances Harris
Keyword(s):  

The first chapter traces the friendship of Godolphin and Marlborough from their early years at the Restoration court, through the Exclusion crisis until the Revolution of 1688. Both marry for love at a time when many men with no inherited fortune regard wives and families as encumbrances they cannot afford, but Margaret Godolphin dies early in childbirth. They share a diplomatic mission to William of Orange in 1678, and afterwards their friendship enables them to work in different ways towards his intervention to defeat the Catholicizing policies of James II, so that England can participate in a European alliance against the expansionism of Louis XIV. When James flees to France in 1688 both Churchill and Godolphin accept William and Mary as de facto monarchs, though their strongest loyalties are to Mary’s sister Anne, with whom Sarah Churchill has become a favourite.


2003 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 376-408 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel Tsadik

AbstractThis study investigates the extent to which the laws of Iran's Constitutional Revolution mark a break with Islam with regard to the legal status of religious minorities as reflected in the writings of some eighteenth- and nineteenth-century Imāmī Shī ī ulamā . Whereas Shī ī law usually treated religious minorities and Shī īs differentially, some—but not all—of the Revolutionary enactments treat religious minorities as the equals of Muslims. I conclude that the legal status of some religious minorities improved only somewhat during the Revolution as compared to their status under Shī ī law. The two-faced nature of the Revolution's enactments echoes the rival forces at work. The controversy over whether religious minorities should be treated as equals was legal in nature, but no less a dispute over the orientation of Iranian society.


2021 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 82-91
Author(s):  
Evan Siegel

Mohammad Amin Rasulzadeh’s Journalism Mohammad Amin Rasulzadeh (1884-1954) was a prominent journalist and political activist from the present-day Republic of Azerbaijan who would also become the first head of the Azerbaijani National Council. He apparently got his start in journalism, contributing to Hemmat, a magazine sponsored by Muslim socialists and other progressives. In the one surviving article from that period which illustrates his political outlook, he writes, in the floral and colorful style of his early years, about four people, a nationalist, a democrat, a reactionary, and a progressive, and how it is only by them joining hands and avoiding division that anything will be accomplished. One of the first of his journalistic campaigns was healing the wounds opened by the Armenian-Muslim massacres of 1905, which he blamed on the Russian imperial bureaucracy. However, the Armenian left-nationalist Dashnaks did not escape reproach for betraying socialism by engaging in nationalist provocations. He also campaigned for European-style reading rooms to raise the level of culture among the Muslims.


Author(s):  
Alison M. Lewis

This essay focuses on the questions of whether German unification resulted in a wholesale retreat of intellectuals from politics and engagement with social issues, as the rhetoric of failure would indicate, or whether the key debates of the period can be read instead as a sign that Germany is on the road to becoming a more 'normal' European nation. Before returning to these issuesat the end of this paper I first provide a broad historical and theoretical context for my discussion of the role of the concerned intellectual in Germany, before offering an overview of the respective functions of literary intellectuals in both German states in the post-war period. I then address a series of key debates and discussions in 1989 and the early nineteen-nineties that were responsible for changing the forms of engagement in intellectual debates in post-unification German society. I argue that the 1990s and early years of the new millennium hastened the disappearance of the writer as a universal intellectual and focused attention on the writer as an individualist and a professional. Today's youngest generation of writer in Germany is a specialist intellectual who intervenes in political and social matters from time to time but who is not expected to take a moral-ethical stance on most issues of national and international concern. S/he is one who frequently writes about personal subjects, but may also occasionally, as witnessed after September 11, turn his or her pen to topics of global concern as in terrorism and Islam. More often than not, however, writers now leave the work of commenting on political affairs to writers of the older guard and to other 'senior' specialist intellectuals.


1992 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-26 ◽  
Author(s):  
Juan R. I. Cole

Between 1905 and 1911, Iranians were engaged in a protracted struggle over whether a constitutionalist regime would replace royal absolutism.1 Little in Iran's political culture before 1905 had hinted at this conflict before it broke out, and for the past thirty years historians have been seeking this genealogy for it. Most have searched among the papers of officials and diplomats, often examining unpublished or posthumously published manuscripts with little or no contemporary circulation, at least before the revolution,2 but we might get closer to its context if we look at what was going on outside the governmental elite. Here I will explore the growth of belief in representative government within an Iranian millenarian movement, the Bahai faith, in the last third of the 19th century, as an example of how the new ideas circulated that led to the conflict.3 Historians have noted a link between millenarianism and democratic or populist thought elsewhere, after all; for instance they have long recognized the importance of chiliastic ideas in e English Revolution of the 17th century. The republicanism of American dissidents and revolutionaries was also sometimes tinged with a civil millennialism. The Bahais of Iran, too, combined democratic rhetoric with millenarian imagery in the generation before the Constitutional Revolution.4


2015 ◽  
Vol 27 (6) ◽  
pp. 660-670 ◽  
Author(s):  
Udara Eshan Manawadu ◽  
◽  
Masaaki Ishikawa ◽  
Mitsuhiro Kamezaki ◽  
Shigeki Sugano ◽  
...  

<div class=""abs_img""><img src=""[disp_template_path]/JRM/abst-image/00270006/08.jpg"" width=""300"" /> Driving simulator</div>Intelligent passenger vehicles with autonomous capabilities will be commonplace on our roads in the near future. These vehicles will reshape the existing relationship between the driver and vehicle. Therefore, to create a new type of rewarding relationship, it is important to analyze when drivers prefer autonomous vehicles to manually-driven (conventional) vehicles. This paper documents a driving simulator-based study conducted to identify the preferences and individual driving experiences of novice and experienced drivers of autonomous and conventional vehicles under different traffic and road conditions. We first developed a simplified driving simulator that could connect to different driver-vehicle interfaces (DVI). We then created virtual environments consisting of scenarios and events that drivers encounter in real-world driving, and we implemented fully autonomous driving. We then conducted experiments to clarify how the autonomous driving experience differed for the two groups. The results showed that experienced drivers opt for conventional driving overall, mainly due to the flexibility and driving pleasure it offers, while novices tend to prefer autonomous driving due to its inherent ease and safety. A further analysis indicated that drivers preferred to use both autonomous and conventional driving methods interchangeably, depending on the road and traffic conditions.


Slavic Review ◽  
1989 ◽  
Vol 48 (3) ◽  
pp. 388-398 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hugh Phillips

Maksim M. Litvinov was the most colorful and controversial of the major European diplomats in the 1930s. As Henry Roberts has observed, Litvinov's “chubby and unproletarian figure radiated an aura of robust and businesslike common sense that was in striking contrast to the enigmatic brutality of the Politburo.” But this cultured and reflective man served that Politburo for the better part of his life, and he did so until his disillusionment overwhelmed him, and he made a complete break with the policies of the Soviet leadership. The obvious question is why Litvinov continued this bizarre relationship so long—one between the cosmopolitan “citizen of Geneva” and the reclusive and often violent men in the Kremlin. A definitive answer is, of course, impossible given the sources, but a clue can be found in an examination of Litvinov before the Bolshevik Revolution, a topic that has received virtually no attention from western scholars. As will be shown, the rotund and cooly analytical diplomat was for a considerable period of time a man wholly dedicated to violent revolution—and not just in the abstract. Litvinov was one of the apparatchiki of the movement who was not afraid to get his hands dirty in the sometimes messy business of fomenting revolution. Litvinov changed greatly over the course of his life, but it seems clear that for a few decades he was never fully able to repudiate these early years. Therefore he remained at his post, continuing to serve the government that sprang from the revolution, even as his own disillusionment grew.


2009 ◽  
Vol 89 ◽  
pp. 365-387 ◽  
Author(s):  
S D Church

AbstractThe medieval history of the celebrated tomb of King John at Worcester is now well known. The works of Charles Alfred Stothard at the beginning of the nineteenth century, of William St John Hope in the early years of the twentieth century, and that of Jane Martindale at the end of that century, are highlights along the road of our understanding of the royal effigy in its medieval context. But all the while this work of comprehension was going on, those who had a duty of care over the tomb were engaged in a battle to offload that responsibility. The authorities at Worcester were not alone in wondering who should carry the burden of caring for royal monuments in English cathedrals. As early as 1841, the question of the care of royal tombs in Westminster Abbey had come under Parliamentary scrutiny. The deans and chapters at Canterbury and at Gloucester also sought government subvention for the care of the royal tombs in their cathedrals. The history of this debate about the care of royal sepulchral monuments forms the wider framework for the main theme of this article, which is an examination in detail of the ways in which King John’s tomb at Worcester was treated between 1872 and 1930. It reveals a remarkable story in which a catalogue of disastrous decisions came to give us the tomb and effigy as we have them today. The article concludes with a short discussion of the introduction of the 1990 Care of Cathedrals Measure which established the structures that currently exist (with subsequent amendments) for the preservation of Anglican cathedral churches in use.


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