Justice in Western Political Thought (John Rawles model)

Author(s):  
Shtewi Abd Mutar

John Rawls is one of the most prominent Western philosophers of contemporary political thought in the 20th century. Through his writings he tried to establish the foundations on which the theory of justice was built in practice and in order to achieve and establish the foundations of justice among peoples. Justice is one of the most important values of civil society, The conflicts of individuals in all their colors and controls the laws of civil society and the construction of the theory is consistent with the results of the public beliefs of what is fair and what is not fair and makes this theory a pattern stands on what is said by the doctrine of public utility and the consequences of a process that can serve as a framework for social life valid and John Rawls believes that justice is the first virtue of social institutions, as is the truth of intellectual systems. Whatever the theory is elegant and economical, it has to be rejected if it is not so honest. The rules and institutions, however efficient and well-formed, must be reformed or revoked if they are unfair.

2013 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 67-103
Author(s):  
Edmundas Gimžauskas

The activities of the German priest Friedrich Muckermann in Vilnius would belong to those cases when an extraordinary personality influenced crucially the development of the public process, by rallying an abundant crowd of followers. The assumptions of the social activities initiated by this Jesuit priest consisted of the transformation of the Catholic Church at the beginning of the 20th century from a confessional to a social category, and the conditioned general operation of the latter phenomenon. At the turn of 1918–1919 in Vilnius, due to the efforts of Muckermann, the League of Christian Workers appeared and gained more and more popularity in lower social strata. This seriously worried the Bolshevik government. Activists of the national movements conflicting with each other, in turn, understanding the prospects for the cultural-social consolidation begun by the priest to become political, naturally sought to influence the League. The arrest of Muckermann by the Bolsheviks not only encouraged a shift by the League to the Polish side, but also changed the nature of the organisation in the direction of radical action. Members of the League contributed actively to the capture of Vilnius by the Polish army in April 1919. And from that time, the organisation can be considered to be Polish, which in no way could be said about the League run by Muckermann. Leaving Bolshevik captivity at the end of 1919 in an exceptional way, he became not only a famous Catholic activist in interwar Germany, but also a symbol of the Christian resistance to Nazism.


2012 ◽  
Vol 3 (4) ◽  
pp. 53-63 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ali Asghar Pourezzat ◽  
Seyyed Mahdi Sharifmousavi ◽  
Ghazaleh Taheri Attar ◽  
Hashem Sodagar ◽  
Majed Naji

The idea of direct democracy has been regarded as an unachievable ideal by political philosophers throughout history. Previously, the direct and sustainable participation of the public in trifling affairs related to their destiny wasn’t possible. By developing electronism, the possibility of direct and continuous polls makes direct democracy achievable. However, temporary polls can never refer to deliberated opinions of the people. Therefore, designing a system of continuously collecting public opinions about details of social life is necessary. Strategic era based cellular planning system (ECPS) using “Comprehensive system of the public information and communication” provides the capacity of gathering the opinions of various interest groups of the society as executable scenarios and saving to the database of system in order to chose them for implementation in accordance with their attractiveness and requirements of each era, depending on the opinions of the people and policy makers. In this regard, the possibility of continuous restructuring of social institutions based on deliberated opinions of people is provided. In this way, it prevents the imposition stemmed from traditions established in the old social institutions; so, democracy can be realized in its real sense away from traditions, institutions and power of political parties.


Author(s):  
Christopher Thompson

The distinction between ideal and nonideal theory is an important methodological concern in contemporary political theory. At issue is the extent to which political theorizing is a practical endeavor and, consequently, the extent to which real-world facts should either be factored into political theorizing or else be assumed away. The distinction between ideal theory and nonideal theory was first introduced by John Rawls in his classic A Theory of Justice. Rawls’s ideal theory is an account of the society we should aim for, given certain facts about human nature and possible social institutions, and involves two central assumptions. First, it assumes full compliance of relevant agents with the demands of justice. Second, it assumes that historical and natural conditions of society are reasonably favorable. These two assumptions are individually necessary and jointly sufficient for his ideal theory. For Rawls, nonideal theory primarily addresses the question of how the ideal might be achieved in practical, permissible steps, from the actual, partially just society we occupy. The account of ideal and nonideal theory advanced by Rawls has been subject to criticism from different directions. Amartya Sen accepts Rawls’s distinction between ideal and nonideal theory but argues that Rawlsian-style nonideal theory is too ideal. Given the many and severe injustices we face we do not need to know what ideal (or “transcendental”) justice looks like; our focus should not be on how to transition toward this ideal. Instead, the advancement of justice requires a comparative judgment which ranks possible policies in terms of being more or less just than the status quo. G. A. Cohen, by contrast, argues that Rawlsian-style ideal theory is not really ideal theory as such, but instead principles for regulating society. Our beliefs about normative principles should, ultimately, be insensitive to matters of empirical fact; genuine ideal theory is a form of moral epistemology (an exercise of identifying normative truths).


1974 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 229-240 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Copp

In his book, A Theory of Justice, John Rawls suggests that a theory of social justice is satisfactory only if it has both of two characteristics (pp. 182, 6). First, it must be capable of serving as the “public moral basis of society” (p. 182). That is, it must be reasonable to suppose that it would be strictly complied with while serving as the public conception of justice in a society which is in favourable circumstances—a society in which the people would strictly comply with any public conception of justice if the strains of commitment to it were not too great, given the general facts of psychology and moral learning (p. 145, cf. pp. 8, 175-83, 245-6). Second, a theory of justice must characterize “ … our considered judgements in reflective equilibrium” (p. 182).


2015 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 417
Author(s):  
Juanrico A.S. Titahelu ◽  
Irwansyah Irwansyah ◽  
Hamid Awaludin ◽  
Muhammad Ashri

Pela-Gandong could be seen as an alliance among two or more villages in Central Maluku territory. Pela-Gandong, besides as brotherhood and friendship among them,this alliance also shared common purpose of cooperation and collective security. Conflict in the beginning of 1999 draws up public attention to the effectiveness of the principles which contains in pela-gandong alliance. Important question come forward because of the plurality condition among current Indonesian society. Should pela-gandong principles nowadays, still playing role to develope social, economy and cultural life of Maluku traditional society? The purpose of this writings is to find out the weaknesses of pela-gandong alliance(s). Based on this, it should offers some suggestion how to strengthening the principles of pela-gandong alliance into the state and the social life in Indonesia.


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (6) ◽  
pp. 170
Author(s):  
Asaad Abdullwahab AbdulKarim

Justice is opposed to the laws of Socrates, which is equality in Aristotle. It means the organization of the powers of the soul at Plato. The public benefit is the original and only source of justice at Hume. It means happiness at Bentham and vice versa. From the contractual theories of Locke, Russo and Kant, we find that the American philosopher John Rawls designed his theory of justice to apply to the infrastructure of society based on the principle of equality and the regulation of social inequality


Author(s):  
Todd Hedrick

This chapter argues that Rawls is a vitally important theorist of reconciliation: he maintains that autonomy is a matter of coming to find that one’s needs and values are reflected in the laws citizens are subject to. It shows how A Theory of Justice employs an account of moral psychology to posit a relationship between individual and society that is actually more harmonious than what Hegel has in mind. It then demonstrates that, by abandoning crucial elements of this moral psychology, Rawls’ account of autonomy comes closer to Hegel’s idea of reconciliation, but by doing so, he is compelled to lean heavily on the publicity that law provides in order to make the prospect of mediation between private identity and the public conception of justice credible. As such, Rawls tends to have a one-sided, overly affirmative conception of social institutions as repositories of value and principle.


2015 ◽  
Vol 77 (4) ◽  
pp. 545-574 ◽  
Author(s):  
Blake Emerson

AbstractBoth critics and defenders of the modern American administrative state have recognized the influence of Hegelian ideas upon the American progressives. But existing scholarship on this connection has not delved into the institutional details of Hegelian political theory and its transformation in progressivism. This article traces the continuities and adaptations between Hegelian and American progressive theories of the administrative state through three conceptual pairs: individual rights and social welfare, civil society and the state, and legislation and execution. For both German Hegelian legal scholars and the American Hegelian progressives, these conceptual pairs staked out the basic normative and institutional tensions underlying the modern state. The progressives, however, gave these concepts a democratic interpretation, and thus sought to involve the public at multiple levels of the policy-making process. This Hegelian progressive theory provides a compelling basis for a public philosophy of the contemporary American state.


Amicus Curiae ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 338-360
Author(s):  
Jamie Grace ◽  
Roxanne Bamford

Policymaking is increasingly being informed by ‘big data’ technologies of analytics, machine learning and artificial intelligence (AI). John Rawls used particular principles of reasoning in his 1971 book, A Theory of Justice, which might help explore known problems of data bias, unfairness, accountability and privacy, in relation to applications of machine learning and AI in government. This paper will investigate how the current assortment of UK governmental policy and regulatory developments around AI in the public sector could be said to meet, or not meet, these Rawlsian principles, and what we might do better by incorporating them when we respond legislatively to this ongoing challenge. This paper uses a case study of data analytics and machine-learning regulation as the central means of this exploration of Rawlsian thinking in relation to the redevelopment of algorithmic governance.


2019 ◽  
pp. 338-347
Author(s):  
Philip Koenig

This article revisits George R. Hall’s work and discusses motives for the public utility model. The author provides some historical background and current perspective, and ultimately finds that Hall’s 20th-century recommendations remain viable 50 years later for the 21st century, albeit for some reasons not originally envisioned.


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