THE G77 AND THE RIGHT TO DEVELOPMENT

2016 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
pp. 58-76
Author(s):  
Serges Djoyou Kamga
Keyword(s):  
Developing Countries ◽  
World Trade ◽  
World Order ◽  
World Trade Organisation ◽  
Just World ◽  
Right To Development ◽  
The World ◽  
The Right ◽  
The International Monetary Fund

Established in 1964, the G77 is the largest intergovernmental organisation representing developing countries in the United Nations. It was established to ensure a just world order and to ensure the realisation of the controversial right to development (RTD). The aim of this article is to explore the role of the G77 in fostering this realisation. To this end, it examines the platforms on which the G77 operates at the UN and beyond to explore the likelihood to lead to the achievement of the RTD. It finds that the UN Second, Third and Fourth Committees provide opportunities where the G77 can use its number to vote on various issues related to the realisation of the RTD. However, the G77 faces challenges related to the non-binding feature of the right, the constant opposition of many powerful Western countries that take important RTD decisions away from the UN, such as the World Trade Organisation, the International Monetary Fund and the G8 and the G20. To mitigate these challenges, the article calls on China’s influence in these fora to claim the RTD.

scholarly journals Die Demontage der multilateralen Wirtschaftsordnung durch die Dritte Welle des Regionalismus

2003 ◽  
Vol 33 (133) ◽  
pp. 599-624
Author(s):  
Heribert Dieter
Keyword(s):  
At Risk ◽  
Developing Countries ◽  
International Monetary Fund ◽  
World Trade ◽  
World Trade Organisation ◽  
Regional Level ◽  
The World ◽  
The Usa ◽  
The International Monetary Fund

Economic multilateralism is at risk. Both the World Trade Organisation and the International Monetary Fund are undermined by competing regimes at the regional level. Bilateralism in trade is particularly mushrooming and might flourish further after the brealcdown of talks in Cancun. Especially the USA are organising their trading relations outside the WTO. These new regimes both undermine multilateralism as well as strengthen the more powerful nations. Developing countries are once again at the receiving end.

scholarly journals The world trade organisation and Human Rights: The role of principles of Good Governance

2017 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 87
Author(s):  
Jeroen Denkers ◽  
Nicola Jägers
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
World Trade ◽  
Good Governance ◽  
World Trade Organisation ◽  
International Organisations ◽  
The World Bank ◽  
The World ◽  
Protection Of Human Rights ◽  
The International Monetary Fund

The present article attempts to determine the role of principles of good governance in the discussion regarding the World Trade Organisation (WTO) and its human rights accountability. It shows that the WTO as an organisation cannot be compared to other international organisations that are more autonomous such as the International Monetary Fund (IMF) or the World Bank. This does not mean, however, that the WTO has no autonomous powers at all. This contribution attempts to make clear what these activities are and how they may affect the protection of human rights. The implementation of good governance principles in international organisations can be considered a sine qua non for the realisation of human rights. Therefore, it will be examined what role the principles of good governance plays within the WTO. More specifically, the focus will be on how the good governance principles of transparency and participation can contribute to sensitising the organisation for human rights considerations.

scholarly journals Barriers against Agricultural Exports from Pakistan: The Role of WTO Sanitary and Phytosanitary Agreement

2003 ◽  
Vol 42 (4II) ◽  
pp. 487-510
Author(s):  
Khalid Mustafa
Keyword(s):  
Developing Countries ◽  
World Trade ◽  
Food Products ◽  
Developed Countries ◽  
World Trade Organisation ◽  
Agricultural Exports ◽  
The World ◽  
Sanitary And Phytosanitary Agreement ◽  
The Impact

There has been growing recognition that Sanitary and Phytosanitary (SPS) agreement can impede trade in agricultural and food products. Pakistan, in particular experiences problems in meeting the SPS requirements of developed countries and, it is claimed, this can seriously impede its ability to export agricultural and food products. Attempts have been made to reduce the trade distortive effects of SPS measures through, for example, the World Trade Organisation (WTO) SPS Agreement, although it is claimed that current initiatives fail to address many of the key problems experienced by Pakistan and other developing countries. The present paper explores implications of Sanitary and Phytosanitary (SPS) agreement on exports of agricultural and food products from Pakistan. It identifies the problems that Pakistan faces in meeting SPS requirements and how these relate to the nature of SPS measures and the compliance resources available to Government of Pakistan and the supply chain. The paper examines the impact of SPS agreement on the extent to which SPS measures impede exports from Pakistan. It identifies the problems that limit participation of Pakistan in the SPS agreement and its concerns about the way in which it currently operates.

scholarly journals Trade in Financial Services—Has the IMF been Involved Constructively?

2011 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 65-92
Author(s):  
Robert M. Stern
Keyword(s):  
Financial Services ◽  
World Trade ◽  
World Trade Organisation ◽  
Policy Issues ◽  
The World ◽  
Key Policy ◽  
Accession Process ◽  
Financial Liberalisation ◽  
The International Monetary Fund ◽  
The Imf

This paper considers the key policy issues related to liberalisation of trade in financial services that the International Monetary Fund (IMF) should be concerned with, and the role the IMF has played in advising on policies related to trade in financial services in its bilateral and multilateral surveillance and in conditionality attached to lending programmes. The IMF staff were generally aware of the literature and country experiences showing the benefits of financial liberalisation. But Fund advice in support of liberalisation can be best interpreted to be in support of country unilateral policy actions and the dynamics of the World Trade Organisation (WTO) accession process.

The Role of Risk Assessment in Precautionary Intervention: A Comparison of Judicial Trends in the EC and WTO

2007 ◽  
Vol 4 (6) ◽  
pp. 455-467 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elen Stokes
Keyword(s):  
Risk Assessment ◽  
European Community ◽  
Precautionary Principle ◽  
World Trade ◽  
Case Law ◽  
World Trade Organisation ◽  
The Precautionary Principle ◽  
The World ◽  
Phytosanitary Measures

AbstractThis paper focuses on the meanings attached to the "precautionary principle" in judgments passed down by the World Trade Organisation (WTO) and the European Community (EC) courts. It speaks to claims that, in response to WTO litigation, the EC courts are beginning to construe the precautionary principle in a manner that more closely resembles obligations arising from the Agreement on Sanitary and Phytosanitary Measures (the SPS Agreement). It illustrates that although disparities between interpretations in EC and WTO case law of legitimate precautionary intervention are growing to be less obvious, inconsistencies continue to exist.

World Order after Caucasian War

2010 ◽  
pp. 11-17
Author(s):  
V. Sheinis
Keyword(s):  
World Order ◽  
Double Standard ◽  
Self Determination ◽  
Policy Choice ◽  
International Policy ◽  
The World ◽  
The Right ◽  
Supranational Institutions ◽  
The U.S

The world order based on Yalta and Potsdam decisions as well as on two nuclear superpowers infighting has filed as a history. What is coming up to take its place? A correlation between power and law in international policy, national sovereignty and supranational institutions, territorial integrity of states and the right of nations to self-determination, bloc infighting atavisms, so called "double standard" and international interventions – these are critical debating points that the author develops his own approach to. The role of the U.S. in world policy, and the foreign policy choice of Russia are also examined.

3. The economic dimension of globalization

2020 ◽  
pp. 38-63
Author(s):  
Manfred B. Steger
Keyword(s):  
World Trade ◽  
Chinese Economy ◽  
Economic Dimension ◽  
The World Bank ◽  
The World ◽  
History Of ◽  
Financial Transactions ◽  
Second World ◽  
The International Monetary Fund

Economic globalization refers to the intensification and stretching of economic connections across the globe. ‘The economic dimension of globalization’ gives a brief history of the emergence of the global economic order. Towards the end of the Second World War, the Bretton Woods Conference laid the foundations for institutions such as the International Monetary Fund, the World Bank, and World Trade Organization. In the 1980s, rising neoliberalism led to the deregulation of financial transactions. Significant developments include the internationalization of trade, the increasing power of transnational corporations, and the enhanced role of international economic institutions. We have recently experienced setbacks like the 2007–10 recession and the slowdown of the Chinese economy.

scholarly journals Picking the Wrong Fight: Why Attacks on the World Trade Organization Pose the Real Threat to National Environmental and Public Health Protection

2005 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
pp. 47-72 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alasdair R. Young
Keyword(s):  
Public Health ◽  
World Trade ◽  
Market Access ◽  
World Trade Organisation ◽  
The World ◽  
National Governments ◽  
Public Health Protection ◽  
Health Regulations ◽  
Consumer Advocates

A principal reason for popular concern about the World Trade Organisation is that national rules—especially those for environmental and public health pro-tection—may be overturned because they are incompatible with the WTO's rules. This article argues that while these concerns are not totally unfounded, they are exaggerated. A central reason for this exaggeration is that environmental and consumer advocates discount the pivotal role of governments in the dispute resolution process. Governments agree to the multilateral rules in the first place. Governments decide which market access barriers to pursue and how aggressively. Governments determine how to comply with a WTO judgment that goes against them. Furthermore, this article contends that by exaggerating the constraint imposed upon national governments by the WTO, consumer and environmental advocates run the risk of actually discouraging the very environmental and public health regulations they favor.

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