Forgoing the Bomb But Not the Technology: Understanding the Relationship Between Bolivian Foreign Policy and Nuclear Technology

2019 ◽  
Vol 35 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sven Botha

Nuclear technology remains a critical point of interest for many states in the post-Cold War era either as they enhance their weapons arsenal and/or advance on the peaceful uses of nuclear technology. This can become problematic for smaller states that greater powers are suspicious of. Using Bolivia as a case study this article seeks to understand how Bolivia has accommodated the three pillars of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty into its foreign policy in an attempt to elude suspicion and develop atoms for peace. This investigation is undertaken by using desktop research that seeks to understand Bolivia’s stances toward nuclear weapons as well as its desires (and how it seeks to fulfil these desires) of obtaining peaceful nuclear technology. The findings suggest that Bolivia is fully compliant with the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty, and is not discriminatory in the selection of its partners both at home and abroad as long as they share mutual interests and yield the best possible outcome for Bolivia. Furthermore, this research also reveals that Bolivia has been tactful in its alliance and partner formation so that those chosen help to elevate Bolivia’s international status. In conclusion, it is unquestionable that Bolivia has created some remarkable opportunities for itself thanks to its tactfulness; however, Bolivia also faces some key domestic economic realities that could hinder its ambitions. 

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Teoman Ertuğrul Tulun

The Armenian Defense Minister Vigen Sargsyans visit to China on September 4 constituted an important movement in the relationship between China and Armenia. It was furthermore an important indication of a shift in Armenian foreign policy. This was only one of the latest steps taken in the long line of a historical deepening of the relationships between the two sides who had neglected each other in the post-Cold War climate.


2020 ◽  
Vol 22 (4) ◽  
pp. 175-228
Author(s):  
Frédéric Bozo

This is the second of two articles exploring efforts at bridging the nuclear weapons gap between France and West Germany during the final decade of the Cold War. This gap existed in various ways: in the two countries’ respective international standing, with the relationship between Paris and Bonn complicated by France's possession of nuclear weapons; in their alliance choices, with their differing approaches to NATO military integration and strategy; and in their tactical nuclear military options (inseparable from conventional options), with the two countries fundamentally at odds over desirable procedures. The first article, published in the previous issue of the JCWS, explores the period from 1981 to 1986. This follow-on article covers the years 1986 to 1990. Although ultimately the dilemmas of nuclear sharing proved impossible to resolve, progress was made in the final years of the Cold War in narrowing differences between the two countries, whose bilateral relationship has been crucial for Europe and the West as a whole in the post–Cold War era.


2020 ◽  
pp. 27-34
Author(s):  
Vladimir Batiuk

In this article, the ''Cold War'' is understood as a situation where the relationship between the leading States is determined by ideological confrontation and, at the same time, the presence of nuclear weapons precludes the development of this confrontation into a large-scale armed conflict. Such a situation has developed in the years 1945–1989, during the first Cold War. We see that something similar is repeated in our time-with all the new nuances in the ideological struggle and in the nuclear arms race.


1998 ◽  
Vol 15 (3) ◽  
pp. 81-106
Author(s):  
M. A. Muqtedar Khan

This paper seeks to understand the impact of current global politicaland socioeconomic conditions on the construction of identity. I advancean argument based on a two-step logic. First, I challenge the characterizationof current socioeconomic conditions as one of globalization bymarshaling arguments and evidence that strongly suggest that along withglobalization, there are simultaneous processes of localization proliferatingin the world today. I contend that current conditions are indicative ofthings far exceeding the scope of globalization and that they can bedescribed more accurately as ccglocalization.~H’2a ving established thisclaim, I show how the processes of glocalization affect the constructionof Muslim identity.Why do I explore the relationship between glocalization and identityconstruction? Because it is significant. Those conversant with current theoreticaldebates within the discipline of international relations’ are awarethat identity has emerged as a significant explanatory construct in internationalrelations theory in the post-Cold War era.4 In this article, I discussthe emergence of identity as an important concept in world politics.The contemporary field of international relations is defined by threephilosophically distinct research programs? rationalists: constructivists,’and interpretivists.’ The moot issue is essentially a search for the mostimportant variable that can help explain or understand the behavior ofinternational actors and subsequently explain the nature of world politicsin order to minimize war and maximize peace.Rationalists contend that actors are basically rational actors who seekthe maximization of their interests, interests being understood primarilyin material terms and often calculated by utility functions maximizinggiven preferences? Interpretivists include postmodernists, critical theorists,and feminists, all of whom argue that basically the extant worldpolitical praxis or discourses “constitute” international agents and therebydetermine their actions, even as they reproduce world politics by ...


1994 ◽  
Vol 42 (2) ◽  
pp. 228-242 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stuart Croft

For almost fifty years there has been constant argument between those who have supported the development and possession of nuclear weapons by Britain and those opposed to those policies. This article argues that there has been a continuity in the arguments made by policy-makers and their critics, both operating within an unchanging series of linked assumptions forming a paradigm or mind-set. This article sets out the character of the assumptions of the orthodox and alternative thinkers, as they are termed in the article, examining their coherence and differences, particularly during the cold war. It concludes by attempting to draw out some implications for the British security policy debate in the post-cold war period.


2018 ◽  
Vol 236 ◽  
pp. 1197-1205 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marcin Kaczmarski

A decade ago, Beijing's relations with Moscow were of marginal interest to China scholars. Topics such as growing Sino-American interdependence-cum-rivalry, engagement with East Asia or relations with the developing world overshadowed China's relationship with its northern neighbour. Scholars preoccupied with Russia's foreign policy did not pay much attention either, regarding the Kremlin's policy towards China as part and parcel of Russia's grand strategy directed towards the West. The main dividing line among those few who took a closer look ran between sceptics and alarmists. The former interpreted the post-Cold War rapprochement as superficial and envisioned an imminent clash of interests between the two states. The latter, a minority, saw the prospect of an anti-Western alliance.


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