MOU Convergence

Several historical, sociocultural, and political dimensions have shaped the development and the discourse and practice of the trade union movement. The characteristics of “traditional” trade union discourse and practice are explored, providing a contextual understanding for the contest, challenge, and change evidenced by the process of translation into the MOU actor network. There are several implications for the “identity,” “relational,” and “ideational” aspects of trade union discourse and industrial relations practice by convergence with the MOU actor network. However, while relationships within the black box of network interaction affords the union movement prominence and access to the powerful halls of leadership and governance, the union constituency becomes contested in acceding to discoursal change and practice resulting in “boxing and dancing” within the new context of diminished adversarialism.

1970 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ken Douglas

The trade union movement in New Zealand has had its fundamental right to bargain with its employees denied it since the last award round in 1981/82. In the time that has elapsed since awards were last negotiated the National Government attempted to radically alter the total environment within which wage negotiations were to be conducted. In the first instance legislation was introduced which removed the unqualified preference clauae from the Industrial Relations Act. Secondly, the National Government sought to reform the wage fixing system in a manner which would effectively see to it that economic conditions took precedence over wage equity in deciding rates of remuneration. Thirdly, the National Government canvassed the concept of changes to existing rules of union coverage so as to make possible the emergence of enterprise based unions and consequentially the development of enterprise based bargaining.


2015 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 4 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Anderson ◽  
Thomas Brauns

<em>The Liberal National Party (‘LNP’) won 78 out of a possible 89 seats in Queensland’s 2012 state election. Facing a budget blowout, the new Government soon used its control of the state’s unicameral parliament to implement a contentious public sector reform agenda. The LNP’s amendments to Queensland’s employment laws struck at the very heart of many of the accepted ‘ground rules’ of industrial relations. Perhaps most signif-icantly, the Government used its parliamentary majority to remove job security commit-ments given to public servants, paving the way for the loss of thousands of jobs. This paper sets out the key industrial relations reforms adopted by the LNP. The authors dis-cuss the Government’s rationale for the changes, and the reaction from Queensland’s trade union movement. The article concludes with some general observations about the changes adopted during the LNP’s term of Government; a period which will undoubtedly be remembered as a controversial part of Queensland’s industrial relations history.</em>


2005 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 64-83 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul Malles

The author considers whether the multinational corporation constituted a challenge to the industrial relations systems as they have developed in Europe over the last quarter of a century and what response such a challenge found in the trade-union movement.


1991 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 90-113 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bradon Ellem

Plans to restructure the trade union movement have received little critical analysis. The most striking exception to this appeared in the first issue of this journal where Costa and Duffy argued that amalgamation plans were ‘fatally flawed’. This perspective, although drawing out some problems with the ACTU's program, is itself unsatisfactory because too much of its argument remains implicit and it relies on highly debatable assumptions. Like so much industrial relations debate in Australia, the arguments in and about union strategies are made more difficult because they proceed without reference to theory or history. The main burden of this article is, after a detailed analysis of the Costa and Duffy prescription, to show why this matters and to suggest some areas of detailed research.


1970 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Margaret Wilson ◽  
John Deeks

Keith Harper writes in 'The Guardian': from today the club for banning the use of the words "moderate" and "militant" has been formed and I am the first member. As examples of trite terminology in trade union politics they take some beating. They are frequently bandied about in the press and elsewhere as convenient shorthand terms to describe what are generally held to be the goodies and baddies in the trade union movement.


Author(s):  
Shelton Stromquist ◽  
Greg Patmore

Comparative history provides an opportunity for scholars to move beyond national boundaries and reflect on their own societies in new light. But such comparisons are not always straightforward. While both Australia and the United States have federal governments, the state played a more coercive role against organized labor and radicals in the United States than in Australia. Several factors softened the impact of the state on labor in Australia: a stronger trade union movement, the formation of labor parties, and a political consensus on regulating industrial relations at least until the 1980s. In the United States, unbridled hostility of large corporations toward organized labor governed state policy. Despite these differences, labor in both countries found political space to promote progressive policies and modify the harsh behavior of governments....


1980 ◽  
Vol 22 (3) ◽  
pp. 342-347
Author(s):  
Clifford B. Donn

In his recent article in this Journal on changes in the laws affecting industrial relations,1 Richard Mitchell interprets the Fraser Government's industrial relations policies as aimed at serving political purposes rather than accomplishing any useful- substantive ends within the industrial relations field. While such an interpretation is naturally open to dispute, that is not the purpose of this comment. The intent here is to challenge one aspect of Mitchell's interpretation of the behaviour of the Aus tralian trade union movement in 1977. Specifically, Mitchell's assertion that in the 1977 compromise over the Industrial Relations Bureau, "... the unions apparently gained nothing whilst conceding a great deal",2 cannot be allowed to enter the historical record unchallenged.


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