scholarly journals Under Prying Eyes: Repression, Surveillance and Exposure in California, 1918-1939

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Simon James Judkins

<p>This thesis is a study of a network of surveillance organisations that developed in California, especially around Los Angeles, between the First and Second World Wars, employing surveillance as a tool of political and economic repression. It argues that over the course of the period surveyed an expanding network exerted a significant conservative, anti-labour influence on California’s history. This was especially so at the end of the 1930s, when the network contributed information and personnel in a series of public exposures targeted at a broad range of political enemies. As part of a conservative mobilisation against the New Deal nationally and within the state, the California surveillance network created a role for its members based on an ability to smear liberal politics with the taint of communism, a role that continued after the Second World War. For much of its history this network was fuelled by a desire to enforce a conservative status quo that protected the profits of the business community with which it allied and relied upon financially. In the immediate aftermath of the First World War this necessitated the repression of political radicals such as the International Workers of the World, Socialists, Pacifists, Bolsheviks, and other radical dissenters. As California experienced economic booms in the 1920s and crisis in the 1930s, the network attracted new collaborators to form a multifarious entity comprised of patriotic and veterans’ organisations, law enforcement, military intelligence, employers’ associations, and labour spies. As a result the network had access to sources from all spheres of Californian public and private life, including from within government. Mirroring the tactics of the Communist Party of the United States, which attracted its most ardent suspicions, the network also deployed undercover operatives to infiltrate and disrupt the targets of their surveillance. The information exchange that took place between members of the network facilitated the creation of vast archives to hold all the collected material, which contained data on Californian citizens of all political persuasions. The passage of New Deal labour legislation in the mid-1930s presaged a shift in the network’s activities. After the National Industrial Recovery Act of 1933 and the National Labor Relations Act of 1935 aided union organisation, the California surveillance network increasingly became involved in the surveillance and repression of labour movements. Fear of communist infiltration of labour movements, particularly after a series of major strikes in the maritime and agricultural industries, partly explains this increasing attention. As this thesis shows, anti-labour espionage was also occasionally motivated by profit, misunderstanding, intolerance, and greed. The surveillance network contributed to the formation and activities of the Special Committee on Un-American Activities chaired by Representative Martin Dies which began in 1938. Presenting evidence acquired from its operations, it helped to create evidentiary and ideological support for the post-war anti-communist investigations which drew upon documentation and expertise created in the 1930s. The California surveillance network was thus a major foundation for what became known as McCarthyism.</p>

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Simon James Judkins

<p>This thesis is a study of a network of surveillance organisations that developed in California, especially around Los Angeles, between the First and Second World Wars, employing surveillance as a tool of political and economic repression. It argues that over the course of the period surveyed an expanding network exerted a significant conservative, anti-labour influence on California’s history. This was especially so at the end of the 1930s, when the network contributed information and personnel in a series of public exposures targeted at a broad range of political enemies. As part of a conservative mobilisation against the New Deal nationally and within the state, the California surveillance network created a role for its members based on an ability to smear liberal politics with the taint of communism, a role that continued after the Second World War. For much of its history this network was fuelled by a desire to enforce a conservative status quo that protected the profits of the business community with which it allied and relied upon financially. In the immediate aftermath of the First World War this necessitated the repression of political radicals such as the International Workers of the World, Socialists, Pacifists, Bolsheviks, and other radical dissenters. As California experienced economic booms in the 1920s and crisis in the 1930s, the network attracted new collaborators to form a multifarious entity comprised of patriotic and veterans’ organisations, law enforcement, military intelligence, employers’ associations, and labour spies. As a result the network had access to sources from all spheres of Californian public and private life, including from within government. Mirroring the tactics of the Communist Party of the United States, which attracted its most ardent suspicions, the network also deployed undercover operatives to infiltrate and disrupt the targets of their surveillance. The information exchange that took place between members of the network facilitated the creation of vast archives to hold all the collected material, which contained data on Californian citizens of all political persuasions. The passage of New Deal labour legislation in the mid-1930s presaged a shift in the network’s activities. After the National Industrial Recovery Act of 1933 and the National Labor Relations Act of 1935 aided union organisation, the California surveillance network increasingly became involved in the surveillance and repression of labour movements. Fear of communist infiltration of labour movements, particularly after a series of major strikes in the maritime and agricultural industries, partly explains this increasing attention. As this thesis shows, anti-labour espionage was also occasionally motivated by profit, misunderstanding, intolerance, and greed. The surveillance network contributed to the formation and activities of the Special Committee on Un-American Activities chaired by Representative Martin Dies which began in 1938. Presenting evidence acquired from its operations, it helped to create evidentiary and ideological support for the post-war anti-communist investigations which drew upon documentation and expertise created in the 1930s. The California surveillance network was thus a major foundation for what became known as McCarthyism.</p>


2019 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 231-254
Author(s):  
Andreu Espasa

De forma un tanto paradójica, a finales de los años treinta, las relaciones entre México y Estados Unidos sufrieron uno de los momentos de máxima tensión, para pasar, a continuación, a experimentar una notable mejoría, alcanzando el cénit en la alianza política y militar sellada durante la Segunda Guerra Mundial. El episodio catalizador de la tensión y posterior reconciliación fue, sin duda, el conflicto diplomático planteado tras la nacionalización petrolera de 1938. De entre los factores que propiciaron la solución pacífica y negociada al conflicto petrolero, el presente artículo se centra en analizar dos fenómenos del momento. En primer lugar, siguiendo un orden de relevancia, se examina el papel que tuvo la Guerra Civil Española. Aunque las posturas de ambos gobiernos ante el conflicto español fueron sustancialmente distintas, las interpretaciones y las lecciones sobre sus posibles consecuencias permitieron un mayor entendimiento entre los dos países vecinos. En segundo lugar, también se analizarán las afinidades ideológicas entre el New Deal y el cardenismo en el contexto de la crisis mundial económica y política de los años treinta, con el fin de entender su papel lubricante en las relaciones bilaterales de la época. Somewhat paradoxically, at the end of the 1930s, the relationship between Mexico and the United States experienced one of its tensest moments, after which it dramatically improved, reaching its zenith in the political and military alliance cemented during World War II. The catalyst for this tension and subsequent reconciliation was, without doubt, the diplomatic conflict that arose after the oil nationalization of 1938. Of the various factors that led to a peaceful negotiated solution to the oil conflict, this article focuses on analyzing two phenomena. Firstly—in order of importance—this article examines the role that the Spanish Civil War played. Although the positions of both governments in relation to the Spanish war were significantly different, the interpretations and lessons concerning potential consequences enabled a greater understanding between the two neighboring countries. Secondly, this article also analyzes the ideological affinities between the New Deal and Cardenismo in the context of the global economic and political crisis of the thirties, seeking to understand their role in facilitating bilateral relations during that period.


2010 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 75-93
Author(s):  
Jessica Moberg

Immediately after the Second World War Sweden was struck by a wave of sightings of strange flying objects. In some cases these mass sightings resulted in panic, particularly after authorities failed to identify them. Decades later, these phenomena were interpreted by two members of the Swedish UFO movement, Erland Sandqvist and Gösta Rehn, as alien spaceships, or UFOs. Rehn argued that ‘[t]here is nothing so dramatic in the Swedish history of UFOs as this invasion of alien fly-things’ (Rehn 1969: 50). In this article the interpretation of such sightings proposed by these authors, namely that we are visited by extraterrestrials from outer space, is approached from the perspective of myth theory. According to this mythical theme, not only are we are not alone in the universe, but also the history of humankind has been shaped by encounters with more highly-evolved alien beings. In their modern day form, these kinds of ideas about aliens and UFOs originated in the United States. The reasoning of Sandqvist and Rehn exemplifies the localization process that took place as members of the Swedish UFO movement began to produce their own narratives about aliens and UFOs. The question I will address is: in what ways do these stories change in new contexts? Texts produced by the Swedish UFO movement are analyzed as a case study of this process.


2020 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 64-74
Author(s):  
Hristov Manush

AbstractThe main objective of the study is to trace the perceptions of the task of an aviation component to provide direct aviation support to both ground and naval forces. Part of the study is devoted to tracing the combat experience gained during the assignment by the Bulgarian Air Force in the final combat operations against the Wehrmacht during the Second World War 1944-1945. The state of the conceptions at the present stage regarding the accomplishment of the task in conducting defensive and offensive battles and operations is also considered. Emphasis is also placed on the development of the perceptions of the task in the armies of the United States and Russia.


Author(s):  
Benjamin Mangrum

This chapter argues that ongoing concerns about the rise of totalitarianism led writers and intellectuals in the United States to oppose social-democratic institutions after the Second World War. Familiar accounts about opposition to these institutions center on conservative politics. In contrast, this chapter argues that liberal thinkers invoked forms of aestheticism to combat what they perceived as the possible rise of totalitarianism in the United States. In order to document this under-explored trend in American political culture, this chapter establishes connections across writing by Lionel Trilling, Vladimir Nabokov, Hannah Arendt, Friedrich Hayek, the New Critics, and the American reception of Friedrich Nietzsche. These figures in postwar cultural life invoked aestheticism in the arenas of literature, philosophy, political action, and economics as a prophylactic to the perceived intrusions of an activist-managerial state.


2018 ◽  
Vol 34 (1) ◽  
pp. 7-35
Author(s):  
Catherine Vézina

El Programa Bracero, creado por Estados Unidos y México en 1942 durante la Segunda Guerra Mundial, se mantuvo hasta 1964. Los estudios sobre este programa señalan la importancia de los intereses domésticos de Estados Unidos para explicar la longevidad del mismo. El presente artículo se enfoca en los factores estratégicos propios de la lógica de la Guerra Fría que intervinieron en la decisión de mantener o cancelar este programa bilateral de trabajo temporal agrícola. Mediante un examen atento sobre la época del auge y del declive del programa, se replantean estos debates dentro del contexto nacional, pero también bilateral y panamericano. The Bracero Program, created by the United States and Mexico during the Second World War, survived until 1964. Studies that look at this program generally signal the importance of domestic factors in the United States to explain its longevity. This article analyzes dynamics of Cold War logic that played a role in the decision of whether to maintain or cancel this bilateral program for migratory agricultural work. By carefully examining the rise and fall of the program, these debates are reconsidered within a national context, as well as one that is bilateral and Pan-American.


1986 ◽  
Vol 80 (4) ◽  
pp. 896-901 ◽  
Author(s):  
Manfred Lachs

To write of Philip Jessup means to survey the history of the teaching of international law in the United States throughout the last half century; to cover all important events concerning the birth of international organizations on the morrow of the Second World War; to visit the halls of the General Assembly and the Security Council; to attend meetings of the American Society of International Law and the Institute of International Law, where he so frequently took the floor to shed light on their debates; to attend sittings of the International Court of Justice in the years 1960-1969. I could hardly undertake this task; there are others much more qualified to do so. What I wish to do is to recall him as a great jurist I knew and a delightful human being; in short, a judge and a great friend whom I learned to admire.


1997 ◽  
Vol 39 (1) ◽  
pp. 45-57 ◽  
Author(s):  
Albert R. Coll

As of 1997, the United States faces an unprecedented degree of security, stability, and economic prosperity in its relations with Latin America. Never before have US strategic interests in Latin America been as well-protected or have its prospects seemed, at least on the surface, so promising. Yet while the US strategic interests are in better shape — militarily, politically, and economically — this decade than at any time since the end of the Second World War, some problems remain. Over the long run, there is also the risk that old problems, which today seem to have ebbed away, will return. Thus, the positive tone of any contemporary assessment must be tempered with an awareness of remaining areas of concern as well as of possible future crises.


2016 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
pp. 126-138
Author(s):  
Elżbieta Mańczak-Wohlfeld

Although contrastive studies do not enjoy great prestige among linguists, they have a very long tradition dating back to ca. 1000 A.D. when Ælfric wrote his Grammatica, a grammar of Latin and English. Even then he must have been aware of the fact that the knowledge of one language may be helpful in the process of learning another language (Krzeszowski 1990). Similarly, it seems that throughout the history of mankind teachers of a foreign language must have realized that a native and foreign tongue can be contrasted. However, contrastive linguistics only came into being as a science at the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries. The first works were almost purely theoretical, and it is worth emphasizing that among the first scholars working in the field was Baudouin de Courtenay, a Polish linguist, who published his contrastive grammar of Polish, Russian and Old Church Slavonic in 1912. The outbreak of the Second World War was a milestone in the development of applied contrastive studies since a need to teach foreign languages in the United States arose as a result. The 1960’s is considered a further step in the development of contrastive grammar since a number of projects were initiated both in Europe and in the U.S.A. (Willim, Mańczak-Wohlfeld 1997), which resulted in the introduction of courses in English-Polish contrastive grammar at Polish universities. The aim of the present paper is to characterize and evaluate the courses offered in the English departments of selected Polish universities and to suggest an “ideal” syllabus.


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