INTERNATIONAL COOPERATION ON PROTECTION OF CULTURAL VALUES AS A PROGRESSIVE INSTITUTE OF INTERNATIONAL LAW

2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 04-09
Author(s):  
Nigora Fayzullaeva
1914 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 25-49
Author(s):  
Alfred L. P. Dennis

War has marked the year 1913; and charges and countercharges as to alleged atrocities by belligerents have been rife. Treaties were drawn to be promptly torn up; and solemn declarations of intention and policy often proved futile. The existence of internal disorder and the outbreak of domestic revolutions in several countries have also exerted disturbing influences on international relations. The result was economic loss and diplomatic tension even well beyond the field of military operations. And these conditions have led to renewed activity in the struggle for concessions and investment in renascent communities. Racial and religious sentiments have also aroused bitter feeling; while political leaders in several countries compel renewed consideration of the weight of individuals in the determination of the world's affairs.In large part the problems of 1913 were historic; but in part they were affected by apparently impending changes which we cannot as yet define. Thus the influence of socialism and of various forms of radical thought on international relations is a factor. The adoption of oil as a naval fuel, the opening of the Panama Canal, the plans for administrative reorganization of Turkey, and its capitalistic development, the renewed debate as to the Monroe doctrine, and the problem of China are all matters whose future significance scarcely concern us here; but their influence in the past year has been unquestionably great. We cannot estimate as yet the true value of many recommendations touching various fields of international coöperation; and the value of delay in international action still remains in dispute. So on the whole the year 1913 has apparently been the year of the cynic.


2018 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 244-274 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrea Caligiuri

The aim of the study is to ascertain how the original Grotian formula ‘aut dedere aut punire’ has been implemented and evolved in international law. The first step is to classify the multilateral conventions that have accepted an aut dedere aut judicare clause. The goal is to bring out peculiarities of the different treaty texts, describing the relationship between the two options dedere and judicare, and the different obligations that arise for the contracting states. We will then examine the content of the two options, to define the legal boundaries within which the contracting states shall or may operate. At this point, we will focus on the legal nature of the aut dedere aut judicare principle that over time may have risen to the status of customary rule. The study will conclude with analysis of reactions to the breach of the aut dedere aut judicare clause by non-complying countries.


Author(s):  
Edward Kwakwa

The international intellectual property (IP) system remains one of the areas of law in which norm-setting through the treaty method is at its most prolific. This chapter discusses the trend of prolific treaty-making in IP, a trend that is at variance with the generally slow pace of treaty-making in other areas of international law. It reviews norm-setting through treaty-making in the IP field and discusses the historical and political forces that have shaped the international IP system today. The IP system nevertheless needs to adopt non-treaty means of norm-setting or international cooperation. Certain platforms and other non-treaty means are in vogue now and will likely increasingly be used in the IP setting. This chapter also describes some of the new and innovative means of non-treaty forms of international cooperation in the IP arena, and ends with the prediction that the multilateral system of cooperation in IP will continue to be enhanced through a combination of treaty and non-treaty forms of collaboration.


Author(s):  
van Genugten Willem ◽  
Lenzerini Federico

This chapter discusses Articles 37–42, considering legal implementation and international cooperation and assistance. Article 37 recognizes that treaties, agreements, and other constructive arrangements between States and indigenous populations reflect legally important entitlements that have to be honoured by applying the standards of modern treaty law, while taking into consideration the facts of cases at hand and later developments, and including the interests of other parties than the original ones. In addition, the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP) might be a declaration ‘only’, but it cannot be simply considered as ‘just another’ non-binding argument. Large parts of Articles 37–42 — particularly Article 37, relating to the right that treaties concluded with indigenous peoples are honoured and respected by States, and Article 40, proclaiming the right of indigenous communities to access to justice and to remedies — do have customary international law character, while other parts also reflect more than moral or political commitments ‘only’.


AJIL Unbound ◽  
2014 ◽  
Vol 108 ◽  
pp. 63-69 ◽  
Author(s):  
Brian Israel

We shouldn’t necessarily be concerned when international lawmaking is a victim of its own success. A trend in a given domain of international governance in which multilateral treaty-making gives way to bilateral and non-binding alternatives does not itself signal a decline in the influence or efficacy of international law. It may in fact be a normal symptom of a properly functioning international legal framework—as much a cause for celebration among international lawyers as for concern.I wish to offer some brief reflections on this Agora theme, The End of Treaties?, from the perspective of a lawyer responsible for engineering international cooperation. I say “engineering” because international lawyers in this role must carefully weigh design tradeoffs in selecting among potential cooperative mechanisms, not unlike an engineer weighing the tradeoffs between materials in designing to a performance and cost specification. Like architects, international lawyers must also be attuned to the social dimensions of the arrangements they craft, but should ultimately privilege function above the aesthetics of legal form. Ugly international cooperative arrangements may nevertheless perform beautifully.


AJIL Unbound ◽  
2014 ◽  
Vol 108 ◽  
pp. 93-98 ◽  
Author(s):  
Timothy Meyer

Customarily one begins a discussion about the effectiveness of international law by quoting Louis Henkin’s famous remark that “almost all nations obey almost all principles of international law and almost all of their obligations almost all of the time.” For some, this empirical claim supports the notion that international law is a vital tool for furthering international cooperation across a broad range of issue areas. For others, the implicit suggestion that international law’s mere existence might be driving states’ behavior is a calamity of causal inference. Even if Henkin’s claim is empirically correct, effectiveness does not follow from compliance. For a third group, Henkin’s claim may not even be empirically correct. In at least some areas of international law, noncompliance may be relatively high. Deploying the same suspect causal reasoning that the second group worries about, international law skeptics have sometimes suggested that we might infer ineffectiveness on the basis of such noncompliance.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Niamh Kinchin

ABSTRACT The Global Compact for Refugees describes UNHCR as its ‘supportive and catalytic’ leader. The ability for UNHCR to negotiate and collaborate within a highly political environment is critical to the Refugee Compact’s ongoing success. However, the Refugee Compact is non-binding, which means that there is no call for UNHCR to exercise its supervisory mandate. By removing the impetus for enforcement, which includes submissions to courts and parliaments, and State admonishment, the Refugee Compact diminishes the non-political elements of UNHCR’s work. The consequence of sidelining UNHCR’s supervisory mandate is that State interests are elevated above those of refugees, which risks diluting principles of international law and human rights. Entrenched problems of voluntary funding are ignored, and whilst robust conversations may flourish within this forum, realizable outcomes will be undermined by ‘endless conversations’ and positive optics. UNHCR’s moral authority, which stems from its embodiment of the protector of refugees, will not act as a motivation for State action. A reconsideration of UNHCR’s role is required in order to allow UNHCR to refocus on its supervisory mandate and to ensure the Refugee Compact can strike a balance between being “entirely non-political in nature” and the reality of international cooperation, which is inherently political.


Author(s):  
Martin Böse

This chapter deals with international and European Union law that provides a legal framework for international cooperation in crime-related matters. The relevant provisions of international law form part of treaties combating transnational crime and of bilateral and multilateral agreements establishing a general framework for international cooperation in criminal matters as well as the new instruments under EU law that are based upon the principle of mutual legal assistance. The chapter first outlines the scope and elements of international cooperation in criminal matters before discussing international cooperation in criminal matters and human rights. It then considers the principle of mutual recognition, new international cooperation instruments such as extradition, and enforcement of criminal sentences and measures. In particular, it examines the transfer of convicted persons and enforcement of prison sentences, along with enforcement of pecuniary sanctions and asset recovery.


AJIL Unbound ◽  
2014 ◽  
Vol 108 ◽  
pp. 41-45 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bart M. J. Szewczyk

As treaties decline, customary international law can be an important mechanism of international cooperation over the medium term. There are increasingly fewer treaties ratified by the United States, with a record-low number of five in 2009–2012, and fewer multilateral treaties adopted worldwide. Yet, the demand for global rules and standards has not abated. Thus, for many international questions where treaties are not available as a source of new rules, customary international law may serve as an interchangeable instrument of national policy.


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