Freiheit, Gleichheit, Sinnlichkeit–Jacques Rancière, Hegel und die holländische Malerei

Author(s):  
Leander Scholz

Der Aufsatz geht der These nach, daß die Fundierung der politischen Theorie in einer ästhetischen Theorie bei Jacques Rancière eine Aktualisierung der Losung der Brüderlichkeit aus der Französischen Revolution darstellt. Diese Aktualisierung der Brüderlichkeit als »ästhetische Gemeinschaft« erlaubt es Rancière, an den Klassenbegriff von Marx anzuschließen, ohne die damit verbundene Gemeinschaftserfahrung begrifflich bestimmen und damit an positive Merkmale binden zu müssen. Weil Rancière seine Demokratietheorie vor allem als eine Interventionstheorie angelegt hat, soll die »ästhetische Gemeinschaft« im Unterschied zum Klassenbegriff es ermöglichen, eine prinzipiell unabgeschlossene Reihe von politischen Subjektivierungsprozessen zu denken. Um diese These zu schärfen, wird Rancières Demokratietheorie mit der von Jacques Derrida verglichen, der auf ganz ähnliche Weise das Demokratische der Demokratie in einem Streit gegeben sieht, der jenseits von demokratischen Spielregeln stattfindet, die Losung der Brüderlichkeit jedoch für überaus problematisch hält.<br><br>This article argues that the foundation of political theory in aesthetics by Jacques Rancière can be seen as an actualization of the slogan of fraternalism during the French Revolution. This actualization of fraternalism as »aesthetic community« gives Rancière the possibility to operate with the Marxian concept of classes without positively defining the experience of community. Because Rancière understands democracy as the chance for political intervention, the concept of an »aesthetic community« (as opposed to the traditional concept of classes) allows him to posit an endless process of political subjectification. To sharpen this argument, the article compares Rancière’s understanding of democracy to Jacques Derrida’s, who also focuses on a democratic struggle beyond democratic rules, but is very skeptical about the slogan of fraternalism.

2018 ◽  
Vol 13 (20) ◽  
Author(s):  
Diego Lock Farina

Publicada originalmente na coleção “La philosophie en effet”, da prestigiada editora Galilée, na França em 2015, com o título Demande. Philosophie, littérature, a coletânea de textos de Jean-Luc Nancy, inédita enquanto tal e organizada por Ginette Michaud, professora da Universidade de Montreal, chega ao Brasil devido à iniciativa em parceria entre a editora da UFSC e a editora Argos, da Unochapecó. Nancy (1940-), professor emérito da Universidade de Estrasburgo, é certamente um dos filósofos mais conceituados no universo acadêmico atual, ao lado de Alain Badiou, Hélène Cixous, Judith Butler, Giorgio Agamben e Jacques Rancière. Seu destaque se dá sobretudo em função das contribuições acerca do político e da democracia, da obra em conjunto com Philippe Lacoue-Labarthe, de seus escritos sobre Jacques Derrida e da preocupação constante em relacionar a arte de maneira geral com o pensamento filosófico. Sua produção, entretanto, é ainda pouquíssimo traduzida no Brasil. Na tarefa de suprir essa falta, Demanda: Literatura e Filosofia (365 p.) reúne textos de 1977 a 2015, disponíveis até então somente em periódicos ou resultantes de conferências e entrevistas, dando mostras da trajetória do autor no que concerne o debate entre o aproveitamento da literatura e do modo singular (a singularidade para Nancy é sempre uma singularidade plural) com que ela convoca a filosofia para um pensamento conjunto, crítico e afectante a respeito da vida, da atividade política e dos sentidos nas suas concepções mais amplas.


2019 ◽  
Vol 82 (1) ◽  
pp. 25-48 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elizabeth Frazer

AbstractThis paper separates Wollstonecraft's critical concept of “machiavelian” power and the capacity for domination, from a neutral concept of politics as the complex processes surrounding the power to govern, from her normative account of popular sovereignty which emphasizes collective political power to ensure the discharge of natural duty by way of civil and political rights and duties. Wollstonecraft's voice as political judge—which is audible throughout her work, but particularly clearly in her book on the French Revolution—articulates the ways that political power can be abused and misused, and can also be effective. Her theory is political in several ways: she interrogates the nature of political power and its explanatory importance; she consistently articulates political judgment about matters both conventionally political and social; she offers a theoretical justification for the expansion of the scope of politics to cover relations that hitherto were thought to be outside its domain; and finally her work itself constitutes a political intervention.


2014 ◽  
Vol 31 (7-8) ◽  
pp. 5-26 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nikos Papastergiadis

Jacques Rancière is one of the central figures in the contemporary debates on aesthetics and politics. This introduction maps the shift of focus in Rancière’s writing from political theory to contemporary art practice and also traces the enduring interest in ideas on equality and creativity. It situates Rancière’s rich body of writing in relation to key theorists such as the philosopher Alain Badiou, art historian Terry Smith and anthropologist George E. Marcus. I argue that Rancière offers a distinctive approach in this broad field by clarifying the specificity of the artist’s task in the production of critical and creative transformation, or what he calls the ‘distribution of the sensible’. In conclusion, I complement Rancière’s invocation to break out of the oppositional paradigm in which the political and aesthetic are usually confined by outlining some further methodological techniques for addressing contemporary art.


2018 ◽  
Vol 48 (3) ◽  
pp. 195-209
Author(s):  
Christopher Buckman ◽  

Kant’s theory of taste supports his political theory by providing the judgment of beauty as a symbol of the good and example of teleological experience, allowing us to imagine the otherwise obscure movement of nature and history toward the ideal human community. If interpreters are correct in believing that Kant should make room for pure judgments of ugliness in his theory of taste, we will have to consider the implications of such judgments for Kant’s political theory. It is here proposed that pure, formal ugliness symbolizes regressive, counter-teleological trends in nature and history. Kant’s paradoxical stance on the right to rebellion, both condemning and supporting the French Revolution, is interpreted as failing to take into account negative social forces signified by ugliness, and therefore neglecting the role of moral agency in social change.


Author(s):  
Rüdiger Campe

This chapter analyzes Carl Schmitt’s concept of the political from the vantage point of German Romanticism. For Schmitt, Romanticism wasan intellectual attitude that precluded the concept and practice of “the political.” Through an in-depth reading of a preeminent document of political thought in German Romanticism, Novalis’s Love and Faith, this chapter considers and qualifies this view, arguing that “political theology” can be understood as a reaction to the French Revolution rather than as a tradition reaching back to medieval or baroque times. This chapter also argues that Novalis’s famous essay must be seen as a precursor to Schmitt’s own political theory. Overlap exists both in the blend of conservatism and radical constructivism in Novalis and Schmitt and in the interventionist character of both men’s statements on politics. Read as a precursor to Schmitt, Novalis’s philosophy of politics also offers a meaningful critique of Schmitt’s later theories.


Gragoatá ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 23 (45) ◽  
pp. 68-91
Author(s):  
Davi Andrade Pimentel

Este artigo analisa, no romance O desaparecido ou Amerika, de Franz Kafka, a configuração da lei paterna enquanto sistema opressor que julga e sentencia o filho segundo uma lei-conceito predefinida, que acaba por tornar esse julgamento uma ficção. Dois territórios democráticos, um utópico e outro real, apresentam-se como o cenário do julgamento, da sentença e do castigo do filho. Diante da lei do pai, o filho não dispõe de nenhuma possibilidade de escolha, pois se encontra enredado em um pecado original que, antes de sua própria existência, já o tinha sentenciado como culpado. No desenvolvimento deste artigo, três narrativas curtas de Kafka são apresentadas como exercício de reflexão sobre essa lei paterna autocrática, são elas: A metamorfose, O veredicto e Carta ao pai. Textos de Jacques Derrida, “Préjugés: devant la loi”, e de Jacques Rancière, “O continente democrático”, dão a este artigo uma estrutura teórica pela qual a lei paterna kafkiana pode ser pensada. ---DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.22409/gragoata.2018n45a1066.


Maska ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 32 (185) ◽  
pp. 52-58
Author(s):  
Rok Benčin

The notion of the division of the sensible allows Jacques Rancière to suspend and redraw the lines between the politics of aesthetics and the aesthetics of politics, as well as between forms of political and aesthetic equality. The essay discusses Rancière’s work from a different angle, namely the distinction of two rhetorical figures, metaphor and metonymy, following Ernesto Laclau’s use of Gérard Genette’s reading of Proust as a model for his political theory. Outlining Rancière’s own use of the two figures as political models as well as his readings of Proust, the essay traces the differences between the rhetoric of society (Laclau) and the aesthetics of politics (Rancière).


2018 ◽  
Vol 30 (2) ◽  
pp. 253-265
Author(s):  
Joana Masó

Résumé ‘Le paradoxe de l’ aumône’ est l’ une des premières formules que Charles Baudelaire aurait projetée pour intituler ce qui deviendra l’ un de ses poèmes en prose les plus célèbres, ‘La fausse monnaie’ dans Le Spleen de Paris. L’ une des obsessions qui hantent ce poème, c’ est la présence muette de ceux qui semblent exclus du grand projet du progrès dans le Paris de la deuxième moitié du XIXe siècle. La présence des pauvres et des mendiants y est mise en scène comme un langage sans parole donnée et, par là, comme l’ un des thèmes hypervisibles de la modernité. Les lectures de Jacques Derrida dans Donner le temps. La fausse monnaie nous permettront de penser la permanence de cette écriture moderne de l’ aumône et la rhétorique silencieuse de la mendicité chez Beckett dans En attendant Godot comme le projet d’ une écriture pauvre dans l’ absence de richesse propre à la littérature depuis ce que Jacques Rancière a appelé, à partir de 1800, un nouveau régime de l’ art d’ écrire.


2020 ◽  
pp. 175508822097843
Author(s):  
Eileen Hunt Botting

Against the background of the international political crises generated by the early phase of the French Revolution at Nootka Sound in 1790 and in Saint-Domingue in 1791, Mary Wollstonecraft developed a capacious political theory of the “rights of humanity.” She pushed beyond narrow post-revolutionary European constructions of “the rights of man” which ignored or excluded “the poor,” “Indians,” “African slaves,” and “women.” While closely following the international politics of the French Revolution, Wollstonecraft developed the core arguments of A Vindication of the Rights of Men (1790) and A Vindication of the Rights of Woman (1792). Her key philosophical innovation was to publicly universalize the conceptual scope of rights, such that rights were no longer—implicitly or explicitly—solely the legal entitlement of propertied white European men, but rather the moral and political entitlement of the whole of humanity across nations. Yet she rhetorically contradicted and philosophically limited the cross-cultural universalism of her theory of equal rights by punctuating her arguments with Western Protestant and Orientalist stereotypes of Eastern despotism. Consequently, international politics and international prejudice shaped Wollstonecraft’s theory of equal rights and her application of it to peoples and cultures beyond those of Western Protestant Europe.


Author(s):  
George di Giovanni

A catalyst in the rise of post-Kantian idealism, Reinhold popularized Kant’s critical philosophy by systematizing it in the form of a theory of consciousness. Reinhold shifted from one position to another, however, each time declaring his latest philosophical creed as ultimate. For this he was ridiculed by his more famous contemporaries, including Fichte, Schelling and Hegel, and his historical reputation suffered accordingly. Recent re-evaluations, however, suggest that there was considerable coherence to his philosophical wanderings. A sometime priest who converted to Protestantism, active freemason and popular teacher, Reinhold advocated political intervention in the promotion of enlightened practices. He steadfastly defended the French Revolution.


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