The Governor And The Constitution

LAW REVIEW ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 38 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Jai Shankar Singh
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Executive Power ◽  
Political Environment ◽  
Indian Constitution ◽  
The Real ◽  
Base Approach ◽  
Form Of Government ◽  
Council Of Ministers

The constitution of India has adoped the parliamentary form of Government which evisages that the President and the Governor shall be the mere constitutional or nominal heads and the real executive power shall vest in the council of ministers. The constitution makes details provisions regarding the debate over the appointment, powers and functions of the Governor. There was executive debate over the appointment, rold and position of the Governor in the consituent assembly and it resolved that the Governor would be merely a constitutional head and will exercise his powers and functions with the aid and advise of the council of ministers except whre he is under the constitution required to act in his discreation. The experience of the working of the constitution upto the last seven decaded regarding the appointment and the exercise of the powers of the Governor has shown that there is no defined, transparent, objective and merit base approach in the appointment of Governor and at times the Governors exercise their powers in partisan and arbitary manner in complete disregard to constitutional spirit and mandate as well as settled consitutional conventions. In view of the multiple political parties with different ideology and volatile an charged political environment since the nineties onward, an enquiry into the appointment, position, powers and functions of the Governor under the Indian constitution is the need of the hour.

IZVRŠNA VLAST U VIDOVDANSKOM USTAVU

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Đorđije Blažić ◽  
◽  
Anika Kovačević ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Internal State ◽  
Executive Branch ◽  
The State ◽  
Executive Power ◽  
Political Factor ◽  
Coup D'etat ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
Council Of Ministers

The author analyzes the provisions of the Vidоvdan Constitution which regulate the position and competence of the executive branch. With the Vidovdan Constitution, the Kingdom of Serbs Croats and Slovenes was proclaimed a constitutional parliamentary and hereditary monarchy in which the King has a central constitutional position and the position of an undisputed holder of executive power. The executive power is made available to the king, which is exercised by the ministers for him, with him and his subordinates. Ministers form the Council of Ministers (Government) and are at the head of certain administrative departments. Although the Constitution proclaimed parliamentarism, there was no classic parliamentary responsibility of ministers before the Assembly. The king was a political factor that enters the field of competence of other holders of power, and thus the division of power provided by the constitution "falls away". The king's power extends to the civil and military field of life of the state, to the external and internal spheres. Although the adoption of the Vidovdan Constitution aimed to create a unified system of organization and division of power, the internal state and political situation in the country, after the adoption of the Constitution, became more complicated and filled with frequent ministerial crises and conflicts of political parties. The King's domination and his frequent "going out" outside the constitutional framework resulted in increasing centralization and, in the end, a coup d'etat and the establishment of King Alexander Karadjordjevic's personal dictatorship.

scholarly journals Catholicism and European Politics: Introducing Contemporary Dynamics

Religions ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 271
Author(s):  
Michael Daniel Driessen
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
European Politics ◽  
Political Environment ◽  
Political Catholicism ◽  
Political Entrepreneurs

Recent research on political Catholicism in Europe has sought to theorize the ways in which Catholic politics, including Catholic political parties, political ideals, and political entrepreneurs, have survived and navigated in a post-secular political environment [...]

scholarly journals A CRITICAL REVIEW OF GOVERNANCE IN THE DIGITAL ERA: A DEVELOPING NATION’S PERSPECTIVE

2020 ◽  
Vol 12 ◽  
pp. 169-183
Author(s):  
Ankit Kashyap ◽  
Mehak Jonjua
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Winston Churchill ◽  
Digital Era ◽  
Form Of Government ◽  
Previous Election ◽  
The Government ◽  
To Come ◽  
Set Up ◽  
Mass Protest ◽  
Best Argument

‗The best argument against democracy is a five- minute conversation with the average voter‘ is a famous quote by Winston Churchill. The statement also indicates the success or failure in any form of government depends primarily on voters and not on parties or politicians. The sustenance of a government in a democratic set up and in the age of anti-incumbency is viable only if it has the mandate. The current government in the territory of India is thriving despite a strong effort by the opposition to come together and stand against the government. The last two Lok Sabha elections held in 2014 and 2019 in India has been exemplary from the perspective that it has largely been Bhartiya Janata Party versus all other political parties, unlike the previous election where there has been contest between ruling and opposition parties. This paper aims to review the functioning of the incumbent government in last five years from manifesto till its implementation. The paper also aims to review the different policies launched by the government and their outcome. The paper will also examine how the government took some landmark decisions that witnessed mass protest and may prove fatal in times to come.

scholarly journals Prospects of Federalism in Pakistan

2018 ◽  
Vol III (II) ◽  
pp. 356-368
Author(s):  
Muhammad Tariq ◽  
Muhammad Shoaib Malik ◽  
Ghulam Qumber
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Paradigm Shift ◽  
Economic Resources ◽  
Constitutional Amendment ◽  
Form Of Government ◽  
Economic Interaction ◽  
History Of ◽  
Distribution Of Powers ◽  
The Government ◽  
Set Up

Federalism is created by a state having heterogeneous population with a desire to have provisions for adequate distribution of economic resources within a democratic form of government. The economic interaction is usually guaranteed by the constitutional arrangement of the land. The desire for the creation of a federation may be the economic interaction, interdependence on each other by the Centre and federating units. Proper distribution of powers between the Centre and Federating Units flourish when the residuary powers are vested in the federating units. The 18th Constitutional Amendment made a landmark in the history of Pakistan as it introduced a paradigm shift in the democratic set-up of the country. This shift had long been cherished by most of the mainstream political parties as it gives an opportunity to the ruling parties to complete the tenure of the government.

scholarly journals Improvement of Region Executive Power System on Management of the Real Sector of Economy on the Basis of Program-Targeted Management

2019 ◽  
Vol 21 (4) ◽  
pp. 120
Author(s):  
R A Galiahmetov ◽  
N N Pushina
Keyword(s):  
Power System ◽  
Executive Power ◽  
Real Sector ◽  
The Real

Концепция социально-экономического развития Российской Федерации, разработанная Правительством РФ до 2020 г., предполагает в том числе повышение эффективности регионального управление реальным сектором экономики. При этом организации реального сектора экономики являются экономически самостоятельными, независимыми, но в своей деятельности они сталкиваются с рядом проблем, решение которых зависит от региональных властей. Это обусловливает необходимость поиска новых методов и инструментов регионального управления. В настоящий момент времени региональные власти, используя проверенные еще советской школой инструменты планирования, пытаются их адаптировать к современным условиям, к потребностям реального сектора экономики, не учитывая факт рыночных отношений и факт института частной собственности. С учетом этого в работе обоснована необходимость использования метода программно-целевого управления. Метод предполагает сосредоточение функций в исполнительных органах власти региона и соответствующее формирование структуры правительства региона в разрезе значимых для реального сектора экономики проблем с учетом одновременной реализации общеуправленческих функций планирования, организации, контроля и т. п. В целом в работе сделан вывод, что на данный момент времени формирование структуры правительства региона на основе программно-целевого управления затруднено.

scholarly journals A Brief History of Race, Politics and Division in Trinidad and Guyana

2020 ◽  
Vol 5 ◽  
pp. 44-54
Author(s):  
Kahlia Brown
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Trinidad And Tobago ◽  
Racial Politics ◽  
Distinct Form ◽  
Race Politics ◽  
Large Numbers ◽  
Form Of Government ◽  
History Of ◽  
Racial Divide ◽  
History Of Race

This essay will act as an analysis of the Indo-Afro racial politics of two west Indian countries: Trinidad and Tobago, and Guyana. I will give the circumstances that led to the migration of large numbers of East Indians as indentured servants to Trinidad and Guyana, specifically. I will also explain how these conditions led to a distinct form of government and society. Through tables of electoral data in Trinidad, the racial voting patterns will be observed, and I will elaborate on how political parties do or do not pander to their respective racial communities. Finally, I will conclude by addressing how the racial divide in these two large Caribbean nations impact Caribbean regionalism on a larger scale.

Pre-Electoral Coalition Formation in Parliamentary Democracies

2006 ◽  
Vol 36 (2) ◽  
pp. 193-212 ◽  
Author(s):  
SONA NADENICHEK GOLDER
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Party System ◽  
Executive Power ◽  
Electoral Rules ◽  
Systematic Analysis ◽  
Parliamentary Democracies ◽  
Electoral Coalitions ◽  
Vast Literature ◽  
Coalition Size ◽  
Government Coalition

Political parties that wish to exercise executive power in parliamentary democracies are typically forced to enter some form of coalition. Parties can either form a pre-electoral coalition prior to election or they can compete independently and form a government coalition afterwards. While there is a vast literature on government coalitions, little is known about pre-electoral coalitions. A systematic analysis of these coalitions using a new dataset constructed by the author and presented here contains information on all potential pre-electoral coalition dyads in twenty industrialized parliamentary democracies from 1946 to 1998. Pre-electoral coalitions are more likely to form between ideologically compatible parties. They are also more likely to form when the expected coalition size is large (but not too large) and the potential coalition partners are similar in size. Finally, they are more likely to form if the party system is ideologically polarized and the electoral rules are disproportional.

The Effect of the Environment on Party Identification

1986 ◽  
Vol 18 (10) ◽  
pp. 1391-1400 ◽  
Author(s):  
G J G Upton ◽  
S J Stray
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Party Identification ◽  
Political Environment ◽  
Election Study ◽  
The Impact

A major factor underlying a person's voting decision is that person's identification with one or other of the competing political parties. Respondents interviewed in the course of the British Election Study surveys of 1974 and 1979 indicated both their party identification and the strength of that affiliation. This paper is an examination of the impact of the local political environment on the strength of an individual's party identification.

The Adaptation of the FSLN: Daniel Ortega's Leadership and Democracy in Nicaragua

2010 ◽  
Vol 52 (4) ◽  
pp. 79-106 ◽  
Author(s):  
Salvador Martí i Puig
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Environment

AbstractThis article explores the capacity of the Frente Sandinista de Liberación Nacional (FSLN) to adapt to a changing Nicaraguan political environment over the last three decades. It focuses on the FSLN's transformation from the 1980s until its recent return to power. The analysis uses the tools offered by studies on the transformation and adaptation of political parties in adverse contexts. It concentrates on the four key stages of the FSLN's transformation: the 1980s, the five-year period following the FSLN's defeat in the elections (1990–1995), the following decade in opposition (1996–2006), and the return to government. The key elements of the FSLN's adaptation relate to the centralization of party resources around the undisputed leadership of Daniel Ortega.

The Ethics of Brutus and Cassius

1997 ◽  
Vol 87 ◽  
pp. 41-53 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Sedley
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Political Involvement ◽  
Joint Decision ◽  
The Real ◽  
Form Of Government ◽  
The World

Among that select band of philosophers who have managed to change the world, and not just to interpret it, it would be hard to find a pair with a higher public profile than Brutus and Cassius — brothers-in-law, fellow-assassins, and Shakespearian heroes. Yet curiously little is understood of the connection, if any, between the fact that they were philosophers and their joint decision to form the conspiracy against Caesar. It may not even be widely known that they were philosophers.What work has been done on this question has been focused on Cassius' Epicureanism, thanks above all to a famous review published by Momigliano in 1941 which included a seminal survey of the evidence for politicized Epicureans. I shall myself have less to say on that topic than on the richer, and less explored, evidence for Brutus. For the present, we may note that at the time of the assassination, March 44 B.C., Cassius had been an Epicurean for just three or four years; that he had already prior to that been actively engaged in philosophy; but that his previous allegiance is unknown. His conversion to Epicureanism seems to have been timed to reflect his decision in 48 B.C. to withdraw from the republican struggle and to acquiesce in Caesar's rule, expressing his hopes for peace and his revulsion from civil bloodshed. This sounds in tune with a familiar Epicurean policy: minimal political involvement, along with approval of any form of government that provides peaceful conditions. We may, therefore, plausibly link Cassius' withdrawal to his new-found Epicureanism. In which case it becomes less likely that his subsequent resumption of the political initiative in fomenting conspiracy against Caesar was itself dictated purely by his Epicureanism. Yet he did remain an Epicurean to the end.6 At its weakest then, the question which we must address might simply be how, when he became convinced that Caesar must be eliminated, he managed to reconcile that decision with his Epicureanism. I shall have a suggestion to make about Cassius' Epicurean justification, but it will emerge incidentally during the examination of the evidence for Brutus, who is the real hero of this paper.

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