Nuovi dati sul popolamento nella pianura di Tarquinia durante la romanizzazione. Il caso della località "Il Giglio"

Author(s):  
Maria Gabriella Scapaticci

During works for a communal athletic-ground at Tarquinia in the district “Il Giglio”, which took place between 2000 and 2001, some slight remains of ancient structures of the Late-Republican and Early-Imperial Age were accidentally discovered. The Soprintendenza per i Beni Archeologici dell’Etruria Meridionale then undertook extensive excavations, documenting a farm and an interesting hydraulic system, part of which had already been found not far from there, at Tarquinia in the district “Gabelletta”. The part of the plain of Tarquinia that is located at the foot of the hill, where Corneto was later established in the Middle Ages, was intensively cultivated with a drainage system and very extensive canalizations, because of the natural fertility of the soil and the richness of water-supplies in this region. It is thus likely that the flax for which Tarquinia was famous in antiquity was cultivated in these fields, and that, towards the end of the second Punic War, this farmland supplied Rome with the flax to make the sails destined for the military enterprise.

2021 ◽  
pp. 60-73
Author(s):  
Dmitriy M. Abramov ◽  

Historical sources and evidence of the eyewitnesses of the 4th crusade in many respects reflect the complexity and sharpness of the contradictions between the Western and Eastern Christendom at the turn of the 12th – 13th centuries. The evidence and narrations proceed from the most direct participants in the military events, broke out on the shore of the Bosporus in 1203–1204. The authors of those materials belonged to the two opposing camps, and therefore the analysis of those sources represents a sufficiently complete and detailed picture of the occurred tragedy. A thorough analysis of the sources makes it possible to at least partially see and comprehend the causes of the military confrontation between the Western and Eastern Christians, who represented – just a while ago, in the first half of the 11th century – the united Ecumenical Church. The sources vividly reflect the mood that prevailed in the crusaders’ encampment in April, 1204, hesitation and doubt of the bulk of the Cross Warriors who were not sure of the rightness of their actions in the preparation for the assault of Constantinople. Many of them understood that they would have to raise the sword against their fellow believers – the Christians of the East. But the most tragic outcome of the 1202–1204 Crusade was the crushing defeat of Constantinople by the Cross Warriors. For the Romans (Byzantines) that became the reason for the disintegration of the Roman Empire. For all Eastern Christians it indicated the demise of the capital of the Orthodox Christendom.


Curationis ◽  
2002 ◽  
Vol 25 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
L. Cilliers ◽  
F.P. Retief

The evolution of the hospital is traced from its onset in ancient Mesopotamia towards the end of the 2nd millennium to the end of the Middle Ages. Reference is made to institutionalised health care facilities in India as early as the 5th century BC, and with the spread of Buddhism to the east, to nursing facilities, the nature and function of which are not known to us, in Sri Lanka, China and South East Asia. Special attention is paid to the situation in the Graeco-Roman era: one would expect to find the origin of the hospital in the modem sense of the word in Greece, the birthplace of rational medicine in the 4th century BC, but the Hippocratic doctors paid house-calls, and the temples of Asclepius were visited for incubation sleep and magico-religious treatment. In Roman times the military and slave hospitals which existed since the 1st century AD, were built for a specialized group and not for the public, and were therefore also not precursors of the modem hospital. It is to the Christians that one must turn for the origin of the modem hospital. Hospices, initially built to shelter pilgrims and messengers between various bishops, were under Christian control developed into hospitals in the modem sense of the word. In Rome itself, the first hospital was built in the 4th century AD by a wealthy penitent widow, Fabiola. In the early Middle Ages (6th to 10th century), under the influence of the Benedictine Order, an infirmary became an established part of every monastery. During the late Middle Ages (beyond the 10th century) monastic infirmaries continued to expand, but public hospitals were also opened, financed by city authorities, the church and private sources. Specialized institutions, like leper houses, also originated at this time. During the Golden Age of Islam the Muslim world was clearly more advanced than its Christian counterpart with magnificent hospitals in various countries.


1971 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 59-66 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul G. Forand

In antiquity and in the Middle Ages slavery played a significant role in the military, economic, political and social life of the Near East. Many studies have been made of these aspects of life, but little has been said in the context of Islam about the psychological bonds which, at least to some extent, characterize the relationship between slave or freedman and master. The institution of ‘mutual alliance’ also played an important part in Islamic history, and there were certain similarities between the relation of the ‘ally’ to the patron on the one hand, and of the freedman to the former master on the other. But it is the purpose of this discussion, in part, to point out some basic differences between the two relationships.


Author(s):  
Jaime García Carpintero López de Mota

Además de su cometido en la defensa de la Cristiandad y control territorial, las órdenes militares tuvieron otra función intrínseca a su propia naturaleza: la hospitalidad,  entendida en la Edad Media como la asistencia a pobres, enfermos y peregrinos. En la Península Ibérica, destacó en esta faceta la Orden de Santiago, que añadió la redención de cautivos prisioneros en al-Andalus y el Magreb como una premisa más dentro de su labor hospitalaria. Para sostener esta actividad la Orden creó una importante red de hospitales y enfermerías extendidos por todos sus territorios. Uno de estos centros fue el hospital de Alarcón (Cuenca), fundado en torno a 1203, y que tras un periodo de decandencia fue mandado recontruir a finales del siglo XV  en el marco reformador que las órdenes religiosas experimentaron bajo el reinado de los Reyes Católicos. A partir de las descripciones contenidas en los Libros de Visita de la Orden, del estudio arqueológico de los restos conservados y las nuevas tecnologías, como la reconstrucción virtual, trataremos de aproximarnos a la realidad del hospital de Alarcón a finales de la Edad Media. Along with their role in the defence of Christianity and territorial control, the Military Orders also carried out another function inherent to their nature, hospitality, which in the Middle Ages meant the assistance of the poor, the sick and pilgrims. In the Iberian Peninsula, the Order of Santiago stood out in this area and they included the redemption of captive prisoners in al-Andalus and the Maghreb as a complementary task to their main objective. To carry out these activities, the Order created an important network of hospitals spread throughout their own domains. One of those centres was the hospital of Alarcón (Cuenca), founded arround 1203. After a period of decline it was rebuilt at the end of the fifteenth century in the context of reform which the religious orders undertook during the reign of the Catholic Monarchs. With the use of the descriptions in the Order’s “visitation books”, archaeological analysis of its remains, and the use of new technologies such as virtual reconstruction, we will try to achieve a better understanding of the hospital at the end of the Middle Ages.


1963 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-10 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Beeler

Some thirty years ago A. H. Thompson, writing on war in the Middle Ages, concluded that “European warfare in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries shews [sic] a somewhat bewildering variety of practice behind which lies no constructive idea.” This was a mild verdict indeed, for at the time Thompson wrote it was commonplace to condemn the generals of the Middle Ages for every sin in the military lexicon, whether of commission or omission, from mere stupidity to utter incompetence. This contempt for medieval generalship can, as a matter of fact, be traced back to the sixteenth century and Machiavelli's denunciations of the condottieri captains. There were, of course, certain exceptions to be noted, but they were cited only to prove that occasionally a flash lit up the general gloom. Thus, William the Conqueror's masterly campaign of September-December 1066 had long been recognized; Edward IV was sometimes referred to as “the first modern general;” J. E. Morris established the reputation of Edward I as a tactical innovator; and Robert I, the Bruce, was admitted by even so contemptuous a critic as Sir Charles Oman to have laid down a proper strategy for the conduct of operations against the English. And, scattered here and there throughout the vast literature on the Middle Ages are indications of a vague awareness that perhaps the generalship of the period was not so lacking in purpose and professional competence as had generally been alleged. It is necessary only to recall B. H. Liddell Hart's scathing comments on the military high commands of World War I to be reminded that generals of all ages have been subject to searching post facto criticism.


1994 ◽  
Vol 4 ◽  
pp. 83-102 ◽  
Author(s):  
Clifford J. Rogers

He that will fraunce wynne, must with Scotland first beginne.WHEN I tell people that I'm studying English strategy in the Hundred Years War, the response is very often something to the effect of ‘did they really have “strategy” in the middle ages?’ This idea, that strategy was absent from the medieval period, remains deeply embedded in the historiography of the subject. Sir Charles Oman, probably still the best-known historian of medieval warfare, wrote of the middle ages that ‘the minor operations of war were badly understood, [and] strategy— the higher branch of the military art—was absolutely nonexistent. Professor Ferdinand Lot said much the same. Other scholars have argued that the medieval commander ‘had not the slightest notion of strategy’, or that ‘never was the art of war so imperfect or so primitive.’ But the truth is that most medieval commanders did not show ‘a total scorn for die intellectual side of war’ nor ignore ‘the most elementary principles of strategy’; nor is it fair to say that ‘“generalship” and “planning” are concepts one can doubtfully apply to medieval warfare.’


Author(s):  
Bagomed Gadaevich ALIEV

The article is devoted to the military actions that Russia used for strengthening her influence in Daghestan and promoting acceptance Daghestan into her citizenship. The campaigns of the russian troops in Daghestan in the late XVI – early XVII centuries, and the same of the Peter I’s one in the Caspian region in 1722 with disclosure of the true goals are described. All the above is given in the context of confrontation between Russia and such powers of the Middle Ages as Turkey and Persia.


1991 ◽  
Vol 1 ◽  
pp. 213-228 ◽  
Author(s):  
Frances Lannon

At the end of the Spanish Civil War in the spring of 1939, General Franco celebrated his victory by decreeing that full military honours be accorded to two statues of the Virgin Mary. The first was Our Lady of Covadonga, patron of the first great reconquest of Spain through the expulsion of Islam in the middle ages. Now, after removal by her enemies ‘the Reds’ during the Civil War, she had been restored to her northern shrine in Asturias, marking the completion of what the decree described as the second reconquest. The other statue was of Our Lady of the Kings (de los Reyes) in Seville, invoked—so the decree ran—during the battle of Lepanto against the Turks in 1571 and the battle of Bailén agaínst the French in 1808, and invoked once more in the first desperate days of the military rising in July 1936, when a victory for the ‘Red hordes’ in Seville might have changed the whole course of the war. In Covadonga and Seville, in the undefeated stronghold of the Virgin of the Pillar in Zaragoza, and across the length and breadth of the country, the Virgin Mary had saved Spain and deserved every honour and tribute. It was equally true that from far north to far south, Franco and his armies and his Nazi, Fascist, and Islamic allies had made Spain safe for the Virgin Mary. There would be no more desecrated churches, no more burned statues, no more banned processions, just as there would be no more socialists, anarchists, communists or democrats. Spain would be Catholic and authoritarian, and Spanish women could concentrate their energies on emulating Mary, and being good wives and mothers or nuns.


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