scholarly journals “Belonging to a Homeland in Order to not Need it Anymore”

Author(s):  
Theo W.A. de Wit

Abstract In his book After Europe, the Bulgarian political theorist Ivan Krastev observes the ‘free fall’ of the dominant grand narrative in Europe after 1989, Fukuyama’s idea of the ‘End of history’. If we want to understand why we must pay attention both to the ‘periphery’ of this narrative, as well as to the periphery of Europe, where the recent movement of migration in the refugee crisis is experienced from a nationalist déjà vu mindset and not welcomed, we have to rethink the phenomenon of nationalism and patriotism, and the difference between the two. After a short phenomenology of the diverse combinations of ‘love’ (among other meanings the love for my patria) and ‘justice’, the author concludes that a strict separation of patriotism and nationalism is hardly possible. And even more fundamental, there will always be a tension between love and justice or, in philosophical terms, between the particular and the universal. Following Krastev, the autor holds that the contemporary rise of populist movements and of ‘illiberal democracy’ points to the crisis of a meritocratic idea of liberal democracy. One longs for a form of belonging that is not the result of our performance but that is unconditional, as Jean Améry argued in his reflections on the meanings of a homeland (Heimat).

2016 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 133-153 ◽  
Author(s):  
Doh Chull Shin ◽  
Hannah June Kim

A growing number of political scientists have recently advocated the theses that democracy has emerged as a universal value and that it is also becoming the universally preferred system of government. Do most people in East Asia prefer democracy to nondemocratic systems, as advocates of these Western theses claim? Do they embrace liberal democracy as the most preferred system as they become socioeconomically modernized and culturally liberalized? To address these questions, we first propose a typology of privately concealed political system preferences as a new conceptual tool in order to ascertain their types and subtypes without using the word “democracy”. By means of this typology, we analyze the third wave of the Asian Barometer Survey conducted in 12 democratic and nondemocratic countries. The analysis reveals that a hybrid system, not liberal democracy, is the most preferred system even among the culturally liberalized and socioeconomically modernized segments of the East Asian population. Our results show that the increasingly popular theses of universal and liberal democratization serve merely in East Asia as prodemocracy rhetoric, not as theoretically meaningful propositions.


Author(s):  
Nuhu O. Yaqub

This review of The End of History and the Last Man sets out to achieve two major objectives: first, to establish whether or not the collapse of the Soviet state system and the alleged triumph as well as reconsolidation of liberal democracy have finally sounded the death knell of Marxism as a body of thought and a guide to action. The paper tries to achieve thisobjective by examining some of the core concepts of Marxism e.g., alienation and exploitation; inequality and freedom; the question of the state; and the nature of imperialism to see the extent to which they have been made otiose by the alleged triumph of liberal democratic system. The evidence emerging from their analyses, however, is not only the correctness and profundity of the position of Marx and his disciples Engels, Lenin, Stalin, Hoxher, Castro, Cabral, Fanon, Mao, Machel, etc. but that as long as Fukuyama attempts to mystify the insidiousness of the capitalist cum liberal democracy visavis alienation and exploitation of the worker on the one hand, and the predatoriness of imperialism over other peoples and lands on the other, so long shall the unscientific assertions and assumptions of the book continue to be subjected to critical pulverizations and attacks. Arising from this conclusion, the second and related objective is to exhort workers in both the advanced capitalist and the superexploited Third World countries towards greater and more focused struggles to bring down the moribund capitalist system, which is to be replaced with socialism/communism


Author(s):  
Ngoc Son Bui

This conclusion summarizes trends and major points in socialist constitutional change, and addresses broader implications. The socialist constitutions’ history or progress indicates the trend to incremental adaption of core socialist constitutional institutions. In some case, socialist constitutional change leads to partial adoption of some institutions of liberal democracy and market economy. But, the resistance to institutions of liberal constitutional democracy is also vehement in several cases. In addition, the divergence between socialist and liberal political and economic institutions is increasingly sharp. This institutional divergence is mainly due to socialist and local constitutional innovation. The partial adaption, resistance, and local innovation suggest that socialist constitutional change has not converged with “the end of history.” The socialist constitutions are increasingly dissonant documents, which is the condition for continuing evolution of the socialist constitutional order. Socialist constitutional change is connected to the broader global constitutional landscape. Constitutional change to improve the material wellbeing of living conditions is a part of human development.


2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 327-345
Author(s):  
František Paďour

AbstractThis review essay focuses on Francis Fukuyama’s book Identity: The Demand for Dignity and the Politics of Resentment, which was published in 2018. The text emphasises placing Fukuyama’s new publication in the context of his multi-year work for its correct interpretation. Fukuyama’s conception of the human soul is analysed in confrontation with contemporary issues of liberal democracy. It mentions other authors criticisms of Fukuyama’s work and, at the same time, it is defended by Fukuyama himself. The text can be seen as an introduction to Francis Fukuyama’s reasoning regarding the modern problems of liberal democracy and as an attempt to understand his unsuccessful prediction of the end of history. The central theme of the text is the concept of identity, which Fukuyama describes as a source of conflicts and friction areas in modern societies. Fukuyama’s findings are supplemented by the findings of other authors and current world events.


2021 ◽  
pp. 014616722110368
Author(s):  
Brian W. Haas ◽  
Kazufumi Omura

The End of History Illusion (EoHI) is the tendency to report that a greater amount of change occurred in the past than is predicted to occur in the future. We investigated if cultural differences exist in the magnitude of the EoHI for self-reported life satisfaction and personality traits. We found an effect of culture such that the difference between reported past and predicted future change was greater for U.S. Americans than Japanese, and that individual differences in two aspects of the self (self-esteem and self-concept clarity) mediated the link between culture and the magnitude of the EoHI. We also found a robust cultural difference in perceptions of past change; U.S. Americans tended to think about the past more negatively than their Japanese counterparts. These findings yield new insight onto the link between cultural context and the way people remember the past and imagine the future.


1994 ◽  
Vol 56 (4) ◽  
pp. 697-726 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joshua Foa Dienstag

This article examines Hegel's philosophy of history with the intention of once again rendering it strange. Hegel's “historicism” has been accepted for so long that the actual terms of his history are rarely examined afresh. But his account of the past, it is argued here, is best understood through the vocabulary of art and beauty that he develops in the Aesthetics. Historical forms cannot be wholly grasped through the vocabulary of dialectical reason, but ought to be seen as “shapes” in a strong sense. Two principle conclusions follow from this reassessment: The first is that the Philosophy of History is best understood neither as an optimistic account of rational progress, nor as a tale of the “end of history” in liberal democracy, but as an attempt to “seduce us to life”—that is, an attempt to reconcile us to the world through the beauty of history. The second conclusion is that this attempt must fail. It fails because, in his effort to discern beauty in the past, Hegel imposes a completeness upon time that excludes the possibility of a future. Whether intentionally or not, Hegel's pessimism about art is transmitted to his philosophy of history. The Temple of Memory that Hegel builds to shelter our souls ends up imprisoning them instead.


2005 ◽  
Vol 47 (4) ◽  
pp. 725-754 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert Blecher

The term “ethnic cleansing” vaulted to international prominence in 1992, shortly after Francis Fukuyama proclaimed the end of history. Popularized during the narrow window of optimism between the fall of the Soviet Union and the rise of Ussama Bin Ladin, the phrase was used to describe events in the recalcitrant states that had not gotten the message that liberal democracy was the way of the future. The product of a particular time and place—Yugoslavia in the contemporary era—ethnic cleansing was generalized into an analytic category, stretched across the globe and the twentieth century, and, on occasion, transformed into a transhistorical characteristic of humanity. In this sense, the category of ethnic cleansing is too large: scholars and journalists have vitiated the term's explanatory power by grouping together sundry events.


Author(s):  
Christopher Hobson

This chapter provides an introduction to the central arguments and themes of the book. It considers the standing of democracy following the end of the Cold War, noting that liberal democracy still remains ideationally in the ascent a quarter of a century later. It is suggested that there is a strong need to understand the history of democracy in order to comprehend the challenges and problems it currently faces. The historical approach the book takes is outlined, proposing that there is a need to explore democracy’s development in relation to the emergence of modern international society.


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