scholarly journals Many Labs 5: Registered Replication of Albarracín et al. (2008), Experiment 7

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Katherine S. Corker ◽  
Jack Dennis Arnal ◽  
Diane B. V. Bonfiglio ◽  
Paul G Curran ◽  
Christopher R. Chartier ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Study Design ◽  
Study Protocol ◽  
The United States ◽  
Colleges And Universities ◽  
Task Type ◽  
Main Effect ◽  
Goal Priming ◽  
Larger Sample

Albarracín et al. (2008, Study 7) tested whether priming action or inaction goals (vs. no goal) and then satisfying those goals (vs. not satisfying them) would be associated with subsequent cognitive responding. They hypothesized and found that priming action or inaction goals that were not satisfied resulted in greater or lesser responding, respectively, compared with not priming goals (N= 98). Sonnleitner and Voracek (2015) attempted to directly replicate Albarracín et al.’s (2008) study with German participants (N= 105). They did not find evidence for the 3x2 interaction or the expected main effect of task type. The current study attempted to directly replicate Albarracín et al. (2008), Study 7, with a larger sample of participants (N=1,690) from seven colleges and universities in the United States. We also extended the study design by using a scrambled-sentence task to prime goals instead of the original task of completing word fragments, allowing us to test whether study protocol moderated any effects of interest. We did not detect moderation by protocol in the full 3x2x2 design (pseudo-r2=0.05%). Results for both protocols were largely consistent with Sonnleitner and Voracek’s findings (pseudo-r2s = 0.14% and 0.50%). We consider these results in light of recent findings concerning priming methods and discuss the robustness of action-/inaction-goal priming to the implementation of different protocols in this particular context.

scholarly journals Many Labs 5: Registered Replication of Albarracín et al. (2008), Experiment 7

2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 340-352 ◽  
Author(s):  
Katherine S. Corker ◽  
Jack D. Arnal ◽  
Diane B. V. Bonfiglio ◽  
Paul G. Curran ◽  
Christopher R. Chartier ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Study Design ◽  
Study Protocol ◽  
The United States ◽  
Colleges And Universities ◽  
Task Type ◽  
Main Effect ◽  
Goal Priming ◽  
Larger Sample

Albarracín et al. (2008, Experiment 7) tested whether priming action or inaction goals (vs. no goal) and then satisfying those goals (vs. not satisfying them) would be associated with subsequent cognitive responding. They hypothesized and found that priming action or inaction goals that were not satisfied resulted in greater or lesser responding, respectively, compared with not priming goals ( N = 98). Sonnleitner and Voracek (2015) attempted to directly replicate Albarracín et al.’s (2008) study with German participants ( N = 105). They did not find evidence for the 3 × 2 interaction or the expected main effect of task type. The current study attempted to directly replicate Albarracín et al. (2008), Experiment 7, with a larger sample of participants ( N = 1,690) from seven colleges and universities in the United States. We also extended the study design by using a scrambled-sentence task to prime goals instead of the original task of completing word fragments, allowing us to test whether study protocol moderated any effects of interest. We did not detect moderation by protocol in the full 3 × 2 × 2 design (pseudo- r2 = 0.05%). Results for both protocols were largely consistent with Sonnleitner and Voracek’s findings (pseudo- r2s = 0.14% and 0.50%). We consider these results in light of recent findings concerning priming methods and discuss the robustness of action-/inaction-goal priming to the implementation of different protocols in this particular context.

Winning the Argument and Moving the Fight: The Legacy of a Grassroots Humanitarian

Public Voices ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 115
Author(s):  
Mary Coleman
Keyword(s):  
Higher Education ◽  
United States ◽  
Winning Strategy ◽  
Supreme Court Decision ◽  
The United States ◽  
Colleges And Universities ◽  
Lessons Learned ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Trade Offs

The author of this article argues that the two-decades-long litigation struggle was necessary to push the political actors in Mississippi into a more virtuous than vicious legal/political negotiation. The second and related argument, however, is that neither the 1992 United States Supreme Court decision in Fordice nor the negotiation provided an adequate riposte to plaintiffs’ claims. The author shows that their chief counsel for the first phase of the litigation wanted equality of opportunity for historically black colleges and universities (HBCUs), as did the plaintiffs. In the course of explicating the role of a legal grass-roots humanitarian, Coleman suggests lessons learned and trade-offs from that case/negotiation, describing the tradeoffs as part of the political vestiges of legal racism in black public higher education and the need to move HBCUs to a higher level of opportunity at a critical juncture in the life of tuition-dependent colleges and universities in the United States. Throughout the essay the following questions pose themselves: In thinking about the Road to Fordice and to political settlement, would the Justice Department lawyers and the plaintiffs’ lawyers connect at the point of their shared strength? Would the timing of the settlement benefit the plaintiffs and/or the State? Could plaintiffs’ lawyers hold together for the length of the case and move each piece of the case forward in a winning strategy? Who were plaintiffs’ opponents and what was their strategy? With these questions in mind, the author offers an analysis of how the campaign— political/legal arguments and political/legal remedies to remove the vestiges of de jure segregation in higher education—unfolded in Mississippi, with special emphasis on the initiating lawyer in Ayers v. Waller and Fordice, Isaiah Madison

Examining Disparities in Food Access Between Historically Black Colleges and Universities and Non-Historically Black Colleges and Universities

2021 ◽  
pp. 089011712110244
Author(s):  
Mariah Kornbluh ◽  
Shirelle Hallum ◽  
Marilyn Wende ◽  
Joseph Ray ◽  
Zachary Herrnstadt ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Historically Black ◽  
Food Access ◽  
The United States ◽  
Black Colleges ◽  
Colleges And Universities ◽  
Historically Black Colleges ◽  
Census Tracts ◽  
Neighborhood Socioeconomic Status ◽  
Black Colleges And Universities

Purpose: Examine if Historically Black Colleges and Universities (HBCUs) are more likely to be located in low food access area (LFA) census tracts compared to public non-HBCUs. Design: ArcGIS Pro was utilized to capture food environments and census tract sociodemographic data. Setting: The sample included 98 HBCUs and 777 public non-HBCUs within the United States. 28.9% of study census tracts were classified as LFA tracts. Measures: University data were gathered from the National Center for Education Statistics. Census tract-level LFA classification was informed by the United States Department of Agriculture’s Food Access Research Atlas. Covariates included population density and neighborhood socioeconomic status of census tracts containing subject universities. Analysis: Multilevel logistic regression was employed to examine the relationship between university type and LFA classification. Results: A higher percentage of HBCUs (46.9%) than public non-HBCUs (26.6%) were located in LFAs. After adjusting for population density and neighborhood socioeconomic status, university type was significantly associated with food access classification (B=0.71;p=.0036). The odds of an HBCU being located in LFA tracts were 104% greater than for a public non-HBCU (OR=2.04;95% CI=1.26,3.29). Conclusion: Findings underscore the need for policy interventions tailored to HBCU students to promote food security, environmental justice, and public health.

Historically White Colleges and Universities: The Unbearable Whiteness of (Most) Colleges and Universities in America

2022 ◽  
pp. 000276422110660
Author(s):  
Eduardo Bonilla-Silva ◽  
Crystal E. Peoples
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
White Supremacy ◽  
The United States ◽  
Colleges And Universities ◽  
Historically White ◽  
Race And Racism ◽  
American Universities ◽  
Dual Relationship

In this paper, we examine the academy as a specific case of the racialization of space, arguing that most colleges and universities in the United States are in fact historically white colleges and universities (HWCUs). To uncover this reality, we first describe the dual relationship between space and race and racism. Using this theoretical framing, we demonstrate how seemingly “race neutral” components of most American universities (i.e., the history, demography, curriculum, climate, and sets of symbols and traditions) embody, signify, and reproduce whiteness and white supremacy. After examining the racial reality of HWCUs, we offer several suggestions for making HWCUs into truly universalistic, multicultural spaces.

Education and the University of North Carolina Pre-Flight School

Home Front ◽  
2017 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
North Carolina ◽  
Military Training ◽  
The United States ◽  
Colleges And Universities ◽  
The State ◽  
Chapel Hill ◽  
Trained Teachers ◽  
The University ◽  
The U.S

Primary and secondary schools were hard hit by the war, with a dearth of supplies and trained teachers. Many colleges and universities, vacated by men off to war, would have had to close were it not for the U.S. military training units at the schools. Each institution in the state had some sort of government activity on their campuses, but the preeminent center was the Navy Pre-Fight School at UNC-Chapel Hill, where two future presidents of the United States, George H. W. Bush and Gerald Ford trained.

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