scholarly journals Ambiguity avoidance in reflexive dependencies: Evidence from Romanian

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rodica Ivan ◽  
Brian Dillon

The choice of a referring expression targeting a previously introduced discourse referent is affected by its potential ambiguity in a given context (Fukumura et al., 2013; Hwang, 2020): speakers use fewer pronouns in contexts where they would be ambiguous. In this work we investigate whether this effect extends to reflexive pronouns, whose distribution is typically governed by strict syntactic constraints, i.e. the Binding Theory (Chomsky, 1981; Büring, 2005). To ask this question, we turn to Romanian. Unlike English, the regular Romanian pronouns ea/el ‘her/him’ can corefer with a local referential antecedent (Luna talked about her), and be bound by local quantificational antecedents (Every girl talked about her). However, Romanian also has unambiguous reflexive expressions that may also be used in these contexts. We report two production experiments in Romanian investigating the effect of contextual ambiguity on the choice of referring expression for reflexive dependences with both referential (Experiment 1, e.g. Luna) as well as quantificational antecedents (Experiment 2, e.g. every girl), using a variant of the gender match paradigm used in previous work (Arnold, 2010). We find that, in unambiguous contexts, regular pronouns were the preferred form for reflexive and non reflexive dependencies in both experiments. However, whenever a regular pronoun would be formally ambiguous, speakers chose them less often, preferring instead unambiguous reflexive pronouns. Our results show: (1) like reference to non-local antecedents (Ariel, 1990, 2001; Arnold, 2010), intrasentential reference is also sensitive to discourse considerations, and (2) that potential discourse ambiguity impacts the choice of a referring expression irrespective of whether the dependency is achieved syntactically, i.e. bound variable dependencies, or via discourse computations, i.e. (local) coreference.

2013 ◽  
Vol 24 (3) ◽  
pp. 483-529 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jenny Lederer

AbstractThis paper investigates the distribution of reflexive and nonreflexive pronouns in the prepositional phrase, concluding that multiple semantic factors play a role in the appearance of one pronoun over the other. The distributional trends in English are explained by referencing the crucial role space plays in grammar, and the resulting implications for Binding Theory (Chomsky 1995) are discussed. The motivating forces for the corpus distribution are based on perceived directionality and location of the denoted event with respect to the body of the event's protagonist. The patterns found in the corpus data are attributed to a range of factors that play a role in the semantic specifications and associations of the pronouns themselves. First, it is argued that the high rate of reflexive pronouns in events that are metaphorically located in the body is due to the reflexive pronoun's close semantic association with the concept of self, a metaphorical body-internal entity. Second, it is argued that the reflexive pronoun is used to signal either an event which is performed on the body (in the referent's peri-personal space) or directed toward the body. Cases of these types are explained by a schematic, semantic parallelism between syntactically complex reflexive events and syntactically simple reflexive events. In both cases, the reflexive pronoun signals a contrastive element. In syntactically complex cases, the PP examples (e.g. John pushed the box toward himself), and syntactically simple cases, those with basic clause structure (e.g. John kicked himself), the reflexive is used to signal that the direction of the event is counter to the direction of expectation, thus explaining why certain reflexive events (e.g. bathe, or pull something toward you) do not have to, and most often, do not occur with the reflexive pronoun.


1991 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 81-105 ◽  
Author(s):  
Luigi Burzio

Chomsky (1981: 188, 220; 1986a: 166) formulates the Binding Theory essentially as in (1).(1) (A) An anaphor must belocally bound(B) A pronoun must not belocally bound(C) An R-expression must not be boundThe notion ‘bound’ is defined as ‘c-commanded by a co-referential element’. As for the notion ‘locally’, that of Chomsky (1986a) differs somewhat from that of Chomsky (1981), and much recent literature addresses the issue, especially in connection with the phenomenon of ‘Long Distance Anaphora’. (For relevant discussion see Burzio (1989c and references therein) and also Levinson, this volume.) For most of our purposes, it will be sufficient to assume Chomsky's (1981: 188) ‘within its [i.e. the anaphor's/pronoun‘s] governing category’, or even the formally simpler (though empirically less adequate) ‘within the same minimal clause’. The empirical effects of the Binding Theory in (1) can then be illustrated as in (2a, b, c) – instances of local binding, non-local binding, and no binding respectively. In each case the connecting line expresses intended co-reference, much as co-indexation in later examples. Each ungrammatical case is accounted for by the principle indicated in parentheses.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gargi Roy ◽  
Kārumūri V Subbārāo ◽  
Rajesh Kumar ◽  
Martin Everaert

Abstract This paper presents an in-depth investigation of the binding strategies in Kokborok and we will look more specifically how this sheds light on the theories of reflexivization. Kokborok, a Tibeto-Burman language spoken in Tripura, a state in the North-East of India, has two reflexives: sak sak ‘self self’ and sak baithaŋ ‘self self’. The form sak sak ‘self self’ conforms to Principle A of classic Binding Theory, blocking long-distance binding, but this does not hold true for sak baithaŋ allowing non-local binding. It is a well-established fact that some reflexives allow non-local binding, but it is generally assumed that this phenomenon is limited to a certain type of reflexive, morpho-syntactically ‘simple reflexives.’ The so-called ‘complex reflexives’ generally bar non-local binding, and the Kokborok reflexive sak baithaŋ seems an exception to that. This paper explores the uniqueness involved in the nature of anaphoric binding in Kokborok.


Author(s):  
Jacek Witkoś ◽  
Paulina Łęska

AbstractThis paper aims to advance a comprehensive theory of binding, which can account for all binding patterns found in Polish, some of which are particularly puzzling for traditional and novel formulations of Binding Theory. Namely, Polish reflexive pronouns/possessives are typically (nominative) subject oriented but they can also have dative Object Experiencers, OEs, as antecedents. Yet, OEs are also appropriate local antecedents for pronominal possessives. Our analysis explains the complementarity of pronouns and reflexives and lack thereof by assuming that the Spell-out form of the reflexive/pronoun is determined by its covert movement, while a binding dependency is established via Agree for [var(iable):_] feature.


1996 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 266-303 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shigenori Wakabayashi

This article examines experimental data of SLA of English reflexives. A carefully designed experiment to tap syntactic constraints of interlanguage grammar and the consideration of the consistency of responses of individual subjects reveal the systematicity of interlanguage grammar much more explicitly than previous studies. Of subjects' behaviour, 95% perfectly matches the sanctions of parameter values suggested in Wexler and Manzini's (1987) Governing Category Parameter and Proper Antecedent Parameter. However, re-examined in the light of the alternative hypotheses in the Binding Theory since Wexler and Manzini (1987), interlanguage grammar may violate the sanctions of Universal Grammar (UG) parameters for the variaton of referential properties of anaphors. Taking into account of this new evidence, the author suggests: 1) SLA is systematic; 2) L2 learners' interpretations of English reflexives are attributed to their linguistic knowledge; and 3) UG is available in SLA, and SLA of the referential properties of English reflexives is carried out by (re)setting parameter values.


Author(s):  
Zhifeng Shao

Recently, low voltage (≤5kV) scanning electron microscopes have become popular because of their unprecedented advantages, such as minimized charging effects and smaller specimen damage, etc. Perhaps the most important advantage of LVSEM is that they may be able to provide ultrahigh resolution since the interaction volume decreases when electron energy is reduced. It is obvious that no matter how low the operating voltage is, the resolution is always poorer than the probe radius. To achieve 10Å resolution at 5kV (including non-local effects), we would require a probe radius of 5∽6 Å. At low voltages, we can no longer ignore the effects of chromatic aberration because of the increased ratio δV/V. The 3rd order spherical aberration is another major limiting factor. The optimized aperture should be calculated as


Author(s):  
Zhifeng Shao ◽  
A.V. Crewe

For scanning electron microscopes, it is plausible that by lowering the primary electron energy, one can decrease the volume of interaction and improve resolution. As shown by Crewe /1/, at V0 =5kV a 10Å resolution (including non-local effects) is possible. To achieve this, we would need a probe size about 5Å. However, at low voltages, the chromatic aberration becomes the major concern even for field emission sources. In this case, δV/V = 0.1 V/5kV = 2x10-5. As a rough estimate, it has been shown that /2/ the chromatic aberration δC should be less than ⅓ of δ0 the probe size determined by diffraction and spherical aberration in order to neglect its effect. But this did not take into account the distribution of electron energy. We will show that by using a wave optical treatment, the tolerance on the chromatic aberration is much larger than we expected.


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