Prinsip Pengenalan Morfem dalam Bahasa Inggris: Kajian Morfologi

This research aims to classify and identify morphemes recognition in English. The method used in this study is qualitative descriptive method. In providing data, the researcher uses listening and note-taking technique. The data used in this study were retrieved from the book Top Grammar: A Guide to Write English. While the theory used is the theory of the principle of morpheme recognition. The results of this discussion can be classified into six principles of morpheme recognition namely (1) the form of indefinite pronouns, comparative and superlative degree and reflexive pronouns; (2) singular and plural forms; (3) the form of the past participle in regular {-d}/{-ed} and irregular {–n} forms; (4) singular and plural nouns, present and past verbs; (5) the form of homonyms and in principle; and (6), the form of free morpheme and bound morpheme. From the results of the classification, morpheme units can be identified based on word form, word class and also the meaning that appears.AbstrakPenelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengklasifikasi dan mengidentifikasi pengenalan morfem dalam bahasa Inggris. Metode yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah metode deskriptif kualitatif. Dalam tahapan penyediaan data, penulis menggunakan teknik simak dan catat. Data yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini bersumber dari buku Top Grammar: A Guide to Write English. Teori yang digunakan adalah teori prinsip pengenalan morfem. Hasil dari pembahasan menunjukan bahwa terdapat enam prinsip pengenalan morfem, yaitu (1) terdapat pada bentuk indefinite pronoun, comparative dan superlative degree, serta reflexive pronoun; (2) terdapat pada bentuk tunggal dan jamak; (3) terdapat data pada bentuk past participle bentuk regular {-d}/ {-ed} dan irregular {–n}; (4) terdapat padakata benda tunggal dan jamak dan kata kerja present serta past; (5) terdapat pada bentuk homonim; (6) terdapat pada bentuk morfem bebas dan terikat. Dari hasil klasifikasi tersebut dapat disimpulkan bahwa satuan morfem dapat diidentifikasi berdasarkan bentuk kata, kelas kata, dan makna yang muncul.

Sin og sig med flertalsantecedent fra runesten til LANCHART

In modern Danish, the reflexive pronouns sin and sig differ in terms of their ability to corefer with a plural antecedent. The reflexive possessive sin typically only allows singular antecedents and the reflexive pronoun sig allows both singular and plural antecedents. Instead of sin, speakers use the non-reflexive deres to corefer with a plural antecedent. This difference between sin and sig is fairly new. Up until the beginning of the twentieth century, many speakers used not only sin but also sig primarily with singular antecedents and the non-reflexive counterparts deres and dem with plural antecedents. This usage pattern goes back to before the thirteenth century. In this paper I investigate the development in the use of sin and sig with plural antecedents. In the earliest runic sources of Danish from before 1000 AD, both sin and sig are used with plural antecedents. In the Middle Danish provincial laws from the thirteenth century, sin and sig are both restricted to occurring mainly with singular antecedents. This usage, reflexive pronouns/possessives with singular antecedents and non-reflexive pronouns/possessives with plural antecedents, is found in the spoken language at least until the twentieth century. However, I show with data from the spoken corpus LANCHART that the use of dem with plural antecedents has almost disappeared in modern Danish.

L1 transfer in the interpretation of L2 reflexive pronouns by child learners of Korean

Aim: The current study explores first language (L1) transfer in child second language (L2) acquisition, testing whether L1-Chinese children learning L2 Korean show an advantage over L1-Russian children in the acquisition of Korean reflexives. Methodology: L1-Chinese and L1-Russian children with L2 Korean completed truth-value judgment tasks designed to explore their interpretation of the Korean reflexives caki and caki-casin in bi-clausal sentences. Chinese, like Korean, has a monomorphemic reflexive that takes a long-distance (LD) antecedent, and a polymorphemic reflexive that prefers a local antecedent; Russian, in contrast, has only a monomorphemic reflexive, which requires a local interpretation in finite clauses. Data and analysis: The proportion of preferences for each condition in the tasks was statistically compared using a logistic mixed-effects regression. Findings: The study resulted in two main findings. First, L1-Chinese children, regardless of L2 proficiency, preferred the LD antecedent (i.e., the matrix clause subject) for caki and the local antecedent (i.e., the embedded clause subject) for caki-casin, which is target-like for Korean and consistent with the interpretation of the Chinese reflexives ziji and taziji. Second, high-proficiency (but not low-proficiency) L1-Russian children showed target-like behavior in rejecting an LD interpretation for caki-casin, but a non-target-like acceptance of the local interpretation for caki, which may be due to L1 transfer based on Russian’s locally bound reflexive. Originality: L1 transfer in the interpretation of L2 reflexive pronouns has been reported with adults, but not with children. The current study fills this research gap. Implications: This study provides evidence that supports L1 transfer in the context of child L2 reflexive interpretation, countering arguments claiming for a limited role of L1 transfer in child L2 acquisition.

Reflexive Pronoun of the Bidayuh-Somu Language:

This research aimed to describe the reflexive pronoun of the language of the Bidayuh-Somu and the English in terms of its formation process. The research data was reflexive pronoun of the Bidayuh-Somu language taken from the dissertation and the English language reflexive pronoun taken from the website. The method of research was comparative, and the technique of data analysis was descriptive. It is found that morphologically, the reflexive pronoun of the Bidayuh-Somu language is formed by attaching the prefix goni- that is derivational to free morpheme. In the English language, the reflexive pronoun is formed by affixing the suffix -self/-selves that is inflectional to free morpheme. The free morpheme, in the case of these two languages, is a personal pronoun. In terms of function, the two morphemes are both class-maintaining. Furthermore, in terms of word meaning, they are unchanged. The complex word the prefix goni- forms is prefixal, while the complex word the suffix -self/-selves forms are suffixal. The importance of comparing the prefix goni- with the suffix -self/-selves is to linguistically provide a description of similarities in terms of the morphological process for reflexive pronoun formation. Although the process of affixation is different, one employs derivational, and the other one applies inflectional. However, the description indicates that the two affixes are similar in terms of duty to reflexive pronoun formation. In the syntactic model of morphology, the use of the two reflexive pronouns is to intensify or emphasize the personal pronoun. They reflect upon the sentences’ subjects or as antecedents of the subjects in sentences.

ГРЕШКИ ПРИ УПОТРЕБАТА НА ВЪЗВРАТНИТЕ ПРИТЕЖАТЕЛНИ МЕСТОИМЕНИЯ / ERRORS IN THE USE OF REFLEXIVE PRONOUNS

Some cases in which mistakes are made in the use of the reflexive possessive pronouns svoj / si in the Bulgarian language instead of the ordinary possessive pronouns are considered. The reasons for the errors are explained and the correct options are presented.

A Contrastive Study of Reflexive verbs in English and French

This paper describes and compares reflexive verbs in English and French. In collecting the data, a number of books and research works related to the subject have been analysed, using the contrastive method. Results of the analysis indicate that reflexives display a great difference between the two languages. The main observed similarity occurs with the emphatic form. Indeed, the English pronouns “myself”, “himself”, “ourselves” etc, and their French counterparts moi-même, lui-même, nous-mêmes are used in the same way. Points of differences are presented as follows: while French puts the pronominal clitics me, te, se, nous, vous before the verb, English places pronouns after e.g., se blesser “to hurt oneself”. One of most important differences that several verbs take reflexive pronouns in French while their English counterparts don’t e.g., se demander “to wonder”. It has also been noted that, in English, the same pronouns are used to express both emphatic and non-emphatic forms while French distinctively uses toi-même, elles- mêmes etc. to emphasize; and the pronominal clitics in simple forms. In the reciprocal voice, the English pronouns “each other” and “one another” are less ambiguous than their French corresponding ones. For instance, Nous nous aimons means both “we love ourselves” (reflexivity) and “we love each other / one another” (reciprocity). Finally, it is shown that some English verbs do not appear with reciprocal pronouns but their French equivalents do e.g., “to meet” se rencontrer.

Ambiguity avoidance in reflexive dependencies: Evidence from Romanian

The choice of a referring expression targeting a previously introduced discourse referent is affected by its potential ambiguity in a given context (Fukumura et al., 2013; Hwang, 2020): speakers use fewer pronouns in contexts where they would be ambiguous. In this work we investigate whether this effect extends to reflexive pronouns, whose distribution is typically governed by strict syntactic constraints, i.e. the Binding Theory (Chomsky, 1981; Büring, 2005). To ask this question, we turn to Romanian. Unlike English, the regular Romanian pronouns ea/el ‘her/him’ can corefer with a local referential antecedent (Luna talked about her), and be bound by local quantificational antecedents (Every girl talked about her). However, Romanian also has unambiguous reflexive expressions that may also be used in these contexts. We report two production experiments in Romanian investigating the effect of contextual ambiguity on the choice of referring expression for reflexive dependences with both referential (Experiment 1, e.g. Luna) as well as quantificational antecedents (Experiment 2, e.g. every girl), using a variant of the gender match paradigm used in previous work (Arnold, 2010). We find that, in unambiguous contexts, regular pronouns were the preferred form for reflexive and non reflexive dependencies in both experiments. However, whenever a regular pronoun would be formally ambiguous, speakers chose them less often, preferring instead unambiguous reflexive pronouns. Our results show: (1) like reference to non-local antecedents (Ariel, 1990, 2001; Arnold, 2010), intrasentential reference is also sensitive to discourse considerations, and (2) that potential discourse ambiguity impacts the choice of a referring expression irrespective of whether the dependency is achieved syntactically, i.e. bound variable dependencies, or via discourse computations, i.e. (local) coreference.

Profile of reflexives in Hill Mari

The paper provides a detailed examination of reflexive strategies in the Kuznetsovo dialect of Hill Mari (Mari, Uralic) filling in an existing gap in the description of anaphoric elements in Uralic languages. Firstly, I focus on simple lexical reflexives derived from the stem (ə̈)škə̈-. Having examined their morphosyntactic and binding properties, I adopt several typological classifications and approach the Hill Mari data from a cross-linguistic perspective comparing them to anaphors in other Uralic languages. Secondly, I consider other reflexive strategies employed in Uralic languages, such as complex (reduplicative) reflexive pronouns and reflexive detransitivization of a predicate, and I demonstrate that these scenarios are unavailable in the variety of Hill Mari under discussion.

Is there really an aspectual se in Spanish?

The goal of this paper is to revisit the so-called aspectual se, frequently cited over the last three decades as a new function of reflexive pronouns in Spanish and other languages, which refers to facultative uses of the reflexive pronoun where it has no effect on the valency or diathesis of the verb. I will focus on four empirical problems that such accounts face when dealing with corpus data: the requirement of a delimited object for transitive verbs, the semantic implications of the aspectual function of the reflexive pronoun, the unacceptability of the reflexive pronoun with some predicates, and the fact that these accounts have ignored a number of predicates that also take this facultative reflexive pronoun. I argue that a larger sample of both contexts and verbs, obtained by exhaustively analyzing corpus data, is necessary to improve our understanding of these uses.