Prinsip Pengenalan Morfem dalam Bahasa Inggris: Kajian Morfologi

This research aims to classify and identify morphemes recognition in English. The method used in this study is qualitative descriptive method. In providing data, the researcher uses listening and note-taking technique. The data used in this study were retrieved from the book Top Grammar: A Guide to Write English. While the theory used is the theory of the principle of morpheme recognition. The results of this discussion can be classified into six principles of morpheme recognition namely (1) the form of indefinite pronouns, comparative and superlative degree and reflexive pronouns; (2) singular and plural forms; (3) the form of the past participle in regular {-d}/{-ed} and irregular {–n} forms; (4) singular and plural nouns, present and past verbs; (5) the form of homonyms and in principle; and (6), the form of free morpheme and bound morpheme. From the results of the classification, morpheme units can be identified based on word form, word class and also the meaning that appears.AbstrakPenelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengklasifikasi dan mengidentifikasi pengenalan morfem dalam bahasa Inggris. Metode yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah metode deskriptif kualitatif. Dalam tahapan penyediaan data, penulis menggunakan teknik simak dan catat. Data yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini bersumber dari buku Top Grammar: A Guide to Write English. Teori yang digunakan adalah teori prinsip pengenalan morfem. Hasil dari pembahasan menunjukan bahwa terdapat enam prinsip pengenalan morfem, yaitu (1) terdapat pada bentuk indefinite pronoun, comparative dan superlative degree, serta reflexive pronoun; (2) terdapat pada bentuk tunggal dan jamak; (3) terdapat data pada bentuk past participle bentuk regular {-d}/ {-ed} dan irregular {–n}; (4) terdapat padakata benda tunggal dan jamak dan kata kerja present serta past; (5) terdapat pada bentuk homonim; (6) terdapat pada bentuk morfem bebas dan terikat. Dari hasil klasifikasi tersebut dapat disimpulkan bahwa satuan morfem dapat diidentifikasi berdasarkan bentuk kata, kelas kata, dan makna yang muncul.

Translating Imperative Sentences from English into Indonesian: COVID-19 Outbreak Text

The imperative sentences in the source language are categorized as imperative instructions. World health organization instructs the general population not to over-take information when reading or searching for information about Corona Virus Disease 2019 because it affects our mentality. It also instructs to avoid using unhelpful coping strategies. The imperative structure rules for English and Indonesian are different. This paper aims to explore the translation techniques used in translating imperative sentences in the ‘Mental health and psychosocial considerations during the COVID-19 outbreak’ text into Indonesian. The authors use Molina and Albir’s (2002) translation techniques. Data collection is done by taking twenty-three the imperatives in the source language of thirty imperative sentences in the text. The imperative sentences in the SL which have infinitive verbs without to are followed by a noun, verb-ing, past participle, adjective, and second person reflexive pronoun. It is found the suffix -lah to emphasize the verb in the TL. Twenty-two data consist of positive imperative sentences and one negative imperative sentence. The results show that from the twenty-three data, the authors found that there were six translation techniques used by the authors as the translators, namely: compensation, establish equivalent, reduction, transposition, literal, and modulation. The authors used literal translation mostly, and it is done because the starting point of the imperative sentences are at the initial of the sentence and they are readable in the TL. The imperative is the starting of meaning for the source language and the target language. The readers are more acceptable to understand the context of the text. They are expected to implement the instructions in their daily lives.

Translating Imperative Sentences from English into Indonesian: COVID-19 Outbreak Text

The imperative sentences in the source language are categorized as imperative instructions. World health organization instructs the general population not to over-take information when reading or searching for information about Corona Virus Disease 2019 because it affects our mentality. It also instructs to avoid using unhelpful coping strategies. The imperative structure rules for English and Indonesian are different. This paper aims to explore the translation techniques used in translating imperative sentences in the ‘Mental health and psychosocial considerations during the COVID-19 outbreak’ text into Indonesian. The authors use Molina and Albir’s (2002) translation techniques. Data collection is done by taking twenty-three the imperatives in the source language of thirty imperative sentences in the text. The imperative sentences in the SL which have infinitive verbs without to are followed by a noun, verb-ing, past participle, adjective, and second person reflexive pronoun. It is found the suffix -lah to emphasize the verb in the TL. Twenty-two data consist of positive imperative sentences and one negative imperative sentence. The results show that from the twenty-three data, the authors found that there were six translation techniques used by the authors as the translators, namely: compensation, establish equivalent, reduction, transposition, literal, and modulation. The authors used literal translation mostly, and it is done because the starting point of the imperative sentences are at the initial of the sentence and they are readable in the TL. The imperative is the starting of meaning for the source language and the target language. The readers are more acceptable to understand the context of the text. They are expected to implement the instructions in their daily lives.

Sin og sig med flertalsantecedent fra runesten til LANCHART

In modern Danish, the reflexive pronouns sin and sig differ in terms of their ability to corefer with a plural antecedent. The reflexive possessive sin typically only allows singular antecedents and the reflexive pronoun sig allows both singular and plural antecedents. Instead of sin, speakers use the non-reflexive deres to corefer with a plural antecedent. This difference between sin and sig is fairly new. Up until the beginning of the twentieth century, many speakers used not only sin but also sig primarily with singular antecedents and the non-reflexive counterparts deres and dem with plural antecedents. This usage pattern goes back to before the thirteenth century. In this paper I investigate the development in the use of sin and sig with plural antecedents. In the earliest runic sources of Danish from before 1000 AD, both sin and sig are used with plural antecedents. In the Middle Danish provincial laws from the thirteenth century, sin and sig are both restricted to occurring mainly with singular antecedents. This usage, reflexive pronouns/possessives with singular antecedents and non-reflexive pronouns/possessives with plural antecedents, is found in the spoken language at least until the twentieth century. However, I show with data from the spoken corpus LANCHART that the use of dem with plural antecedents has almost disappeared in modern Danish.

Grammatical encoding of agency in Asturian middle constructions

Middle-passive constructions in Asturian –a Romance language spoken in the diglossic region of Asturias, in northern Spain– appear to optionally allow the occurrence of the reflexive pronoun se in them; this has been traditionally considered a pleonastic use of the reflexive due to the influence of Spanish, i.e. the dominant language in the territory (ALLA 2001). Here, I show that the presence of such pronoun is neither aspectual nor stylistic; instead, I argue that this clitic spells out a passivized Voice head encoding the participation of an implicit generic agent/experiencer in the event, i.e. a generic passive construction. The non-pronominal variant, on the contrary, is only possible with unaccusative verbs or those undergoing the causative alternation, i.e. in inchoative configurations, which can be generic. Evidence for this claim is that only the pronominal counterpart can control into a purpose clause but does not license the insertion of the PP por sí mesmu (‘by itself’), and vice versa. Additionally, these structures can host an additional dative argument which can only be interpreted as an unintentional causer of the event in absence of the reflexive, therefore supporting Suárez-Palma’s (2020) claim that there exists a mutual incompatibility between Voice and a high applicative head –both different realizations of i* (Wood & Marantz 2017)–, which compete for the position above the verbalizing head in generic passives. Finally, cases of linguistic transfer between Asturian and Asturian Spanish are discussed.

Fundamental Structures with Reflexive Pronoun in Dative in Romanian

This article focuses on the problem of the functioning of the reflexive pronoun in dative modifying the verb. Based on a substantial corpus, the article refers to the delimitation of its functions, values and nuances, as well as the various fundamental structures in which it appears. Three constructions with their afferent structures are described, from which it appears that the reflexive dative works in two ways: 1) the subcategorization of the verb, receiving the thematic role of recipient or beneficiary and syntactic function of indirect object and 2) the double subordination - to the verb and to a noun in the structure. That is, it does not occupy a position of subcategorization of the verb, but acquires a possessive meaning from this noun and fulfills the function of possessive object, a function without a thematic role.

Reflexive Pronoun of the Bidayuh-Somu Language:

This research aimed to describe the reflexive pronoun of the language of the Bidayuh-Somu and the English in terms of its formation process. The research data was reflexive pronoun of the Bidayuh-Somu language taken from the dissertation and the English language reflexive pronoun taken from the website. The method of research was comparative, and the technique of data analysis was descriptive. It is found that morphologically, the reflexive pronoun of the Bidayuh-Somu language is formed by attaching the prefix goni- that is derivational to free morpheme. In the English language, the reflexive pronoun is formed by affixing the suffix -self/-selves that is inflectional to free morpheme. The free morpheme, in the case of these two languages, is a personal pronoun. In terms of function, the two morphemes are both class-maintaining. Furthermore, in terms of word meaning, they are unchanged. The complex word the prefix goni- forms is prefixal, while the complex word the suffix -self/-selves forms are suffixal. The importance of comparing the prefix goni- with the suffix -self/-selves is to linguistically provide a description of similarities in terms of the morphological process for reflexive pronoun formation. Although the process of affixation is different, one employs derivational, and the other one applies inflectional. However, the description indicates that the two affixes are similar in terms of duty to reflexive pronoun formation. In the syntactic model of morphology, the use of the two reflexive pronouns is to intensify or emphasize the personal pronoun. They reflect upon the sentences’ subjects or as antecedents of the subjects in sentences.

Reflexive constructions in German, Spanish, and French as a product of cyclic interaction

German sich and Spanish se can have reflexive or anticausative interpretations but only Spanish se can have a passive interpretation. We argue that Spanish Passse is the result of interaction between the subject agreement cycle and the reflexive object cycle. We make two claims: i) pro merges in Spec-Voice in Passse, due to the subject agreement cycle; and ii) se heads Voice due to the reflexive cycle. The types of reflexive constructions a language has depends on the presence/absence of pro and the categorial status of the reflexive pronoun (head or DP). French appears problematic since it has Passse but lacks subject pro. However, Passse existed in Old French (Cennamo 1993), which was a null subject language (Vance 1997). Thus, French is consistent with this claim; i.e., it developed Passse when it had subject pro and se as a head. Passse survived into Modern French as a historical remnant.