scholarly journals Worker Power and Class Polarization in Intra-Year Work Hour Volatility

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joe LaBriola ◽  
Daniel Schneider
Keyword(s):  
Bargaining Power ◽  
State Level ◽  
The United States ◽  
Job Quality ◽  
One Dimension ◽  
Unemployment Rates ◽  
Precarious Work ◽  
Union Coverage ◽  
Work Hour ◽  
Nationally Representative

Precarious work, which has become more prevalent in the United States in recent decades, is disproportionately experienced by workers of lower socio-economic classes, and research suggests that the erosion of worker power has contributed to this class polarization in precarity. One dimension of precarious work of growing interest to scholars and policymakers is instability faced by workers in the amount and regularity of their work hours. However, we know little about the magnitude of month-to-month or week-to-week (intra-year) volatility in hours worked, the extent of class-based polarization in this measure of job quality, and whether worker power moderates this polarization. In this paper, we make novel use of the panel nature of the nationally-representative Current Population Survey (CPS) to estimate intra-year volatility in the actual hours respondents report working in the previous week across four consecutive survey months. Using this new measure, we then show that, net of demographic characteristics and controls for occupation and industry, low-wage workers experience disproportionately greater work hour volatility. Finally, we find evidence that reductions in marketplace bargaining power--as measured by higher state-level unemployment rates--increase wage- and education-based polarization in work hour volatility, while increases in associational power--as measured by union coverage--reduce wage-based polarization in work hour volatility.

scholarly journals Worker Power and Class Polarization in Intra-Year Work Hour Volatility

Social Forces ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 98 (3) ◽  
pp. 973-999
Author(s):  
Joe LaBriola ◽  
Daniel Schneider
Keyword(s):  
Bargaining Power ◽  
State Level ◽  
The United States ◽  
Job Quality ◽  
One Dimension ◽  
Unemployment Rates ◽  
Precarious Work ◽  
Union Coverage ◽  
Work Hour ◽  
Nationally Representative

Abstract Precarious work, which has become more prevalent in the United States in recent decades, is disproportionately experienced by workers of lower socio-economic classes, and research suggests that the erosion of worker power has contributed to this class polarization in precarity. One dimension of precarious work of growing interest to scholars and policymakers is instability faced by workers in the amount and regularity of their work hours. However, we know little about the magnitude of month-to-month or week-to-week (intra-year) volatility in hours worked, the extent of class-based polarization in this measure of job quality, and whether worker power moderates this polarization. In this paper, we make novel use of the panel nature of the nationally-representative Current Population Survey (CPS) to estimate intra-year volatility in the actual hours respondents report working in the previous week across four consecutive survey months. Using this new measure, we then show that, net of demographic characteristics and controls for occupation and industry, low-wage workers experience disproportionately greater work hour volatility. Finally, we find evidence that reductions in marketplace bargaining power—as measured by higher state-level unemployment rates—increase wage- and education-based polarization in work hour volatility, while increases in associational power—as measured by union coverage—reduce wage-based polarization in work hour volatility.

State- and Individual-Level Predictors of Mexican Death Penalty Support

2017 ◽  
Vol 64 (12) ◽  
pp. 1590-1611 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alexander H. Updegrove ◽  
Erin A. Orrick
Keyword(s):  
Death Penalty ◽  
Capital Punishment ◽  
Mexican Immigrants ◽  
State Level ◽  
The United States ◽  
Individual Level ◽  
Specific Factors ◽  
Nationally Representative ◽  
Future Practice ◽  
Insight Into

Mexico exerts a unique influence on Texas through immigration. As immigrants bring perspectives from their country of origin when they immigrate, studying attitudes toward capital punishment in Mexico may provide insight into ways Mexican immigrants could affect its future practice in Texas. Multilevel modeling is used to examine individual- and state-level predictors of death penalty support among a nationally representative sample of Mexicans. Results indicate age and Catholic affiliation are associated with death penalty support, although not in the expected directions, whereas states bordering the United States are less likely to support capital punishment, despite experiencing less overall peace and a higher average homicide rate. Findings suggest the need for researchers to use culture-specific factors to predict death penalty support.

scholarly journals Does our legal minimum drinking age modulate risk of first heavy drinking episode soon after drinking onset? Epidemiological evidence for the United States, 2006–2014

PeerJ ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 4 ◽  
pp. e2153 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hui G. Cheng ◽  
James C. Anthony
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Gender Gap ◽  
Heavy Drinking ◽  
State Level ◽  
The United States ◽  
Heavy Episodic Drinking ◽  
Computer Assisted ◽  
Drinking Age ◽  
Rapid Transition ◽  
Nationally Representative

Background. State-level ‘age 21’ drinking laws conform generally with the United States National Minimum Drinking Age Act of 1984 (US), and are thought to protect young people from adverse drinking experiences such as heavy episodic drinking (HED, sometimes called ‘binge drinking’). We shed light on this hypothesis while estimating the age-specific risk of transitioning from 1st full drink to 1st HED among 12-to-23-year-old newly incident drinkers, with challenge to a “gender gap” hypothesis and male excess described in HED prevalence reports.Methods. The study population consisted of non-institutionalized civilians in the United States, with nine independently drawn nationally representative samples of more than 40,000 12-to-23-year-olds (2006–2014). Standardized audio computer-assisted self-interviews identified 43,000 newly incident drinkers (all with 1st HED evaluated within 12 months of drinking onset). Estimated age-specific HED risk soon after first full drink is evaluated for males and females.Results. Among 12-to-23-year-old newly incident drinkers, an estimated 20–30% of females and 35–45% of males experienced their 1st HED within 12 months after drinking onset. Before mid-adolescence, there is no male excess in such HED risk. Those who postponed drinking to age 21 are not spared (27% for ‘postponer’ females; 95% CI [24–30]; 42% for ‘postponer’ males; 95% CI [38–45]). An estimated 10–18% females and 10–28% males experienced their 1st HED in the same month of their 1st drink; peak HED risk estimates are 18% for ‘postponer’ females (95% CI [15–21]) and 28% for ‘postponer’ males (95% CI [24–31]).Conclusions. In the US, one in three young new drinkers transition into HED within 12 months after first drink. Those who postpone the 1st full drink until age 21 are not protected. Furthermore, ‘postponers’ have substantial risk for very rapid transition to HED. A male excess in this transition to HED is not observed until after age 14.

scholarly journals The Dynamics of Racial Resentment across the 50 US States

2019 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 527-538 ◽  
Author(s):  
Candis Watts Smith ◽  
Rebecca J. Kreitzer ◽  
Feiya Suo
Keyword(s):  
Racial Inequality ◽  
Census Data ◽  
National Level ◽  
State Level ◽  
The United States ◽  
Dynamic State ◽  
Multilevel Regression ◽  
Racial Resentment ◽  
Nationally Representative ◽  
Over Time

Although many scholars who study the role of racial animus in Americans’ political attitudes and policy preferences do so to help us understand national-level politics, (racialized) policy is largely shaped at the state level. States are laboratories of policy innovation whose experiments can exacerbate or ameliorate racial inequality. In this article, we develop state-level scores of racial resentment. By using linear multilevel regression and poststratification weighting techniques and by linking nationally representative survey data with US Census data, we create time-varying, dynamic state-level estimates of racial resentment from 1988 to 2016. These measures enable us to explore the extent to which subnational levels of racial attitudes fluctuate over time and to provide a comparative analysis of state-level racial resentment scores across space and time. We find that states’ levels of racial animus change slowly, with some exhibiting increases over time while others do just the opposite. Southern states’ reputation for having the highest levels of racial resentment has been challenged by states across various regions of the United States. Many states had their lowest levels of symbolic racism decades ago, contrary to the traditional American narrative of racial progress.

Different and Not Equal:The Uneven Association of Race, Poverty, and Abortion Laws on Abortion Timing

2018 ◽  
Vol 66 (4) ◽  
pp. 519-547 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alexa L Solazzo
Keyword(s):  
White Women ◽  
State Level ◽  
The United States ◽  
Patient Survey ◽  
Vital Statistics ◽  
State Laws ◽  
Abortion Laws ◽  
Poverty Status ◽  
Nationally Representative ◽  
Waiting Periods

AbstractThe number of regulations surrounding abortion has increased drastically in recent years. It is important to assess how these laws relate to abortion timing, since the cost, safety, and accessibility of abortion varies by how many weeks pregnant a woman is when the procedure occurs. Research examining how state laws relate to abortion timing generally use rates or data from vital statistics; while informative, such methods do not allow researchers to examine how these laws may be disproportionately associated with abortion timing among select groups of women, including poor and nonwhite women. To fill this research gap, I analyze data from the nationally representative 2008 Abortion Patient Survey, with appended information on state laws regarding abortion in 2008. I find that laws requiring second trimester abortions be performed in a hospital and both in-person counselling and waiting periods have different associations with abortion timing based on race and income-to-poverty status. Predicted abortion timing for black and Hispanic women differs based on state laws and their income-to-poverty status, while for white women, models show that the association between state laws and abortion timing is not dependent on their income-to-poverty status. Overall, this research illustrates the relevance of state-level abortion laws for shaping abortion timing among women, highlighting how these relationships differ across racial and socioeconomic groups in the United States.

UNEMPLOYMENT PERSISTENCE AND QUANTILE PARAMETER HETEROGENEITY

2016 ◽  
Vol 22 (5) ◽  
pp. 1298-1320
Author(s):  
Corrado Andini ◽  
Monica Andini
Keyword(s):  
Fixed Effects ◽  
State Level ◽  
The United States ◽  
Random Coefficients ◽  
Natural Rate ◽  
Unemployment Rates ◽  
Level Data ◽  
Parameter Heterogeneity ◽  
State Unemployment ◽  
Unemployment Persistence

We argue that a random-coefficients representation of the classical Barro's model of unemployment dynamics can be used as a theoretical basis for a panel quantile autoregressive model of the unemployment rate. Estimating the latter with State-level data for the United States (1980–2010), we find that (i) unemployment persistence increases along quantiles of the conditional unemployment distribution; (ii) disregarding State-fixed effects implies an overestimation of unemployment persistence along unemployment quantiles; (iii) a macroeconomic shock changes not only the location but also the dispersion of the distribution of the State unemployment rates; (iv) a federal policy equally applied in each State can reduce unemployment inequality among States; (v) “hysteresis” and “natural rate” hypotheses can co-exist along quantiles of the unemployment distribution, with the former being not rejected at upper quantiles. In sum, while the standard approach to the estimation of unemployment persistence implicitly assumes that quantile parameter heterogeneity does not matter, we suggest that it does.

A Review of Gifted and Talented Education in the United States

2011 ◽  
Vol 6 (4) ◽  
pp. 557-582 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rachana Bhatt
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Gifted And Talented ◽  
Gifted Education ◽  
Selection Process ◽  
State Level ◽  
The United States ◽  
Instructor Training ◽  
Policy Makers ◽  
Gifted And Talented Education ◽  
Nationally Representative

Gifted and talented education programs provide children who have been identified as having high ability in some intellectual or creative characteristic with a supplemental curriculum to their traditional coursework. Despite the popularity of these programs, the literature lacks a comprehensive review of gifted education in the United States. This policy brief aims to fill this void by providing national and state-level statistics on participation rates, funding appropriations, and policies on gifted education. Since many of the operational details of these programs are determined by local education agencies, data on a nationally representative sample of schools are then used to provide information on gifted curricula, instructor training and experience, and the selection process for admission. Finally, a review of the research on gifted education is provided. This research highlights that gifted programs vary widely and that further research on this topic can provide valuable information to policy makers and educators.

Exploring the Effects of Full-Day Kindergarten on School Absenteeism for Children With Disabilities: Evidence From State Policy Mandates in the United States1

2021 ◽  
pp. 001440292110625
Author(s):  
Michael A. Gottfried ◽  
J. Jacob Kirksey
Keyword(s):  
Students With Disabilities ◽  
Children With Disabilities ◽  
School Attendance ◽  
State Level ◽  
The United States ◽  
Policy Implications ◽  
Full Day Kindergarten ◽  
Nationally Representative ◽  
Student Absenteeism ◽  
Full Day

Student absenteeism is a barrier to learning and an issue that requires policy intervention. Students with disabilities are of particular concern, as they miss school more often than students in any other demographic group. Affecting a key attribute of school structures, policies promoting full-day kindergarten began as an effort to improve opportunities for students from disadvantaged backgrounds, but no studies have provided causal evidence as to whether full-day kindergarten enrollment relates to school attendance. No studies have examined whether effects exist for students with disabilities in the long term. Using a nationally representative sample of children with disabilities in the United States ( N = 2,120), we employed an instrumental-variable strategy that capitalized on state-level policy shifts of full-day kindergarten offerings as an exogenous source of variation. We found that full-day kindergarten structures related to a sharp increase in absenteeism for children with disabilities in kindergarten and first and second grades. We found no relationship to absenteeism for these children in later years of primary schooling. We discuss policy implications of these findings.

The Racial and Economic Context of Trump Support: Evidence for Threat, Identity, and Contact Effects in the 2016 Presidential Election

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eric Knowles ◽  
Linda Tropp
Keyword(s):  
The United States ◽  
Local Economy ◽  
Racial Identification ◽  
White Americans ◽  
Social Scientists ◽  
Neighborhood Diversity ◽  
Nationally Representative ◽  
To Come ◽  
Neighborhood Level ◽  
Support Evidence

Donald Trump's ascent to the Presidency of the United States defied the expectations of many social scientists, pundits, and laypeople. To date, most efforts to understand Trump's rise have focused on personality and demographic characteristics of White Americans. In contrast, the present work leverages a nationally representative sample of Whites to examine how contextual factors may have shaped support for Trump during the 2016 presidential primaries. Results reveal that neighborhood-level exposure to racial and ethnic minorities is associated with greater group threat and racial identification among Whites, as well as greater intentions to vote for Trump in the general election. At the same time, however, neighborhood diversity afforded Whites with opportunities for intergroup contact, which is associated with lower levels of threat, White identification, and Trump support. Further analyses suggest that a healthy local economy mutes threat effects in diverse contexts, allowing contact processes to come to the fore.

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