UNEMPLOYMENT PERSISTENCE AND QUANTILE PARAMETER HETEROGENEITY

2016 ◽  
Vol 22 (5) ◽  
pp. 1298-1320
Author(s):  
Corrado Andini ◽  
Monica Andini
Keyword(s):  
Fixed Effects ◽  
State Level ◽  
The United States ◽  
Random Coefficients ◽  
Natural Rate ◽  
Unemployment Rates ◽  
Level Data ◽  
Parameter Heterogeneity ◽  
State Unemployment ◽  
Unemployment Persistence

We argue that a random-coefficients representation of the classical Barro's model of unemployment dynamics can be used as a theoretical basis for a panel quantile autoregressive model of the unemployment rate. Estimating the latter with State-level data for the United States (1980–2010), we find that (i) unemployment persistence increases along quantiles of the conditional unemployment distribution; (ii) disregarding State-fixed effects implies an overestimation of unemployment persistence along unemployment quantiles; (iii) a macroeconomic shock changes not only the location but also the dispersion of the distribution of the State unemployment rates; (iv) a federal policy equally applied in each State can reduce unemployment inequality among States; (v) “hysteresis” and “natural rate” hypotheses can co-exist along quantiles of the unemployment distribution, with the former being not rejected at upper quantiles. In sum, while the standard approach to the estimation of unemployment persistence implicitly assumes that quantile parameter heterogeneity does not matter, we suggest that it does.

scholarly journals Worker Power and Class Polarization in Intra-Year Work Hour Volatility

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joe LaBriola ◽  
Daniel Schneider
Keyword(s):  
Bargaining Power ◽  
State Level ◽  
The United States ◽  
Job Quality ◽  
One Dimension ◽  
Unemployment Rates ◽  
Precarious Work ◽  
Union Coverage ◽  
Work Hour ◽  
Nationally Representative

Precarious work, which has become more prevalent in the United States in recent decades, is disproportionately experienced by workers of lower socio-economic classes, and research suggests that the erosion of worker power has contributed to this class polarization in precarity. One dimension of precarious work of growing interest to scholars and policymakers is instability faced by workers in the amount and regularity of their work hours. However, we know little about the magnitude of month-to-month or week-to-week (intra-year) volatility in hours worked, the extent of class-based polarization in this measure of job quality, and whether worker power moderates this polarization. In this paper, we make novel use of the panel nature of the nationally-representative Current Population Survey (CPS) to estimate intra-year volatility in the actual hours respondents report working in the previous week across four consecutive survey months. Using this new measure, we then show that, net of demographic characteristics and controls for occupation and industry, low-wage workers experience disproportionately greater work hour volatility. Finally, we find evidence that reductions in marketplace bargaining power--as measured by higher state-level unemployment rates--increase wage- and education-based polarization in work hour volatility, while increases in associational power--as measured by union coverage--reduce wage-based polarization in work hour volatility.

scholarly journals Retracted: Analysis of the Strength of Legal Firearms Restrictions for Perpetrators of Domestic Violence and Their Associations With Intimate Partner Homicide

2017 ◽  
Vol 187 (7) ◽  
pp. 1449-1455 ◽  
Author(s):  
April M Zeoli ◽  
Alexander McCourt ◽  
Shani Buggs ◽  
Shannon Frattaroli ◽  
David Lilley ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Domestic Violence ◽  
Fixed Effects ◽  
Negative Binomial ◽  
State Level ◽  
Negative Binomial Regression ◽  
Intimate Partner ◽  
Restraining Order ◽  
Level Data ◽  
Binomial Regression ◽  
Firearms Restrictions

Abstract In this research, we estimate the association of firearm restrictions for domestic violence offenders with intimate partner homicides (IPHs) on the basis of the strength of the policies. We posit that the association of firearm laws with IPHs depends on the following characteristics of the laws: 1) breadth of coverage of high-risk individuals and situations restricted; 2) power to compel firearm surrender or removal from persons prohibited from having firearms; and 3) systems of accountability that prevent those prohibited from doing so from obtaining guns. We conducted a quantitative policy evaluation using annual state-level data from 1980 through 2013 for 45 US states. Based on the results of a series of robust, negative binomial regression models with state fixed effects, domestic violence restraining order firearm-prohibition laws are associated with 10% reductions in IPH. Statistically significant protective associations were evident only when restraining order prohibitions covered dating partners (−11%) and ex parte orders (−12%). Laws prohibiting access to those convicted of nonspecific violent misdemeanors were associated with a 24% reduction in IPH rates; there was no association when prohibitions were limited to domestic violence. Permit-to-purchase laws were associated with 10% reductions in IPHs. These findings should inform policymakers considering laws to maximize protections against IPH.

Distribution and capacity utilization in the United States: evidence from state-level data

2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 240-267
Author(s):  
Luke Petach
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Distribution System ◽  
Capacity Utilization ◽  
State Level ◽  
The United States ◽  
Coordination Failure ◽  
Wage Policy ◽  
Us States ◽  
Level Data ◽  
Strategy I

Applying previously unused regional data to the problem of wage- versus profit-led growth, this paper estimates a demand-and-distribution system for a panel of US states for the years 1974 to 2014. Using variation in minimum-wage policy across states as an instrument for the labor share, I find that – at a regional level – the United States is strongly wage-led. In the absence of a satisfactory econometric identification strategy, I estimate the distributive curve non-parametrically. The results suggest the presence of significant non-linearities, with US states exhibiting profit-squeeze dynamics at low levels of capacity utilization and wage-squeeze dynamics at high levels. These results suggest difficulties for wage-led policy akin to a coordination failure.

Can Health Insurance Reduce School Absenteeism?

2010 ◽  
Vol 43 (6) ◽  
pp. 696-721 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ryan Yeung ◽  
Bradley Gunton ◽  
Dylan Kalbacher ◽  
Jed Seltzer ◽  
Hannah Wesolowski
Keyword(s):  
Health Insurance ◽  
Fixed Effects ◽  
School Attendance ◽  
State Level ◽  
Public Health Care ◽  
Level Data ◽  
Regression Techniques ◽  
Daily Attendance ◽  
Fixed Effects Regression ◽  
Average Daily Attendance

Enacted in 1997, the State Children’s Health Insurance Program (SCHIP) represented the largest expansion of U.S. public health care coverage since the passage of Medicare and Medicaid 32 years earlier. Although the program has recently been reauthorized, there remains a considerable lack of thorough and well-designed evaluations of the program. In this study, we use school attendance as a measure of the program’s impact. Utilizing state-level data and the use of fixed-effects regression techniques, we conclude that SCHIP has had a positive and significant effect on state average daily attendance rates, as measured by both SCHIP participation and eligibility rates. The results support the renewal and expansion of the program.

scholarly journals Asymmetry In U.S. State Unemployment Rates

2011 ◽  
Vol 4 (6) ◽  
Author(s):  
Benjamas Jirasakuldech ◽  
Sean Snaith
Keyword(s):  
North Carolina ◽  
State Level ◽  
Time Reversibility ◽  
Unemployment Rates ◽  
Rate Asymmetry ◽  
Show Evidence ◽  
State Unemployment ◽  
Unemployment Data ◽  
Aggregate Unemployment ◽  
Non Gaussian

This paper examines the nature of asymmetry of U.S. state unemployment rates using the time reversibility test developed by Ramsey and Rothman (1996). These authors and others have found asymmetry in aggregate unemployment rates in this study we examine whether or not these results extend to state level unemployment series.  Alaska, District of Columbia, Hawaii, Louisiana, Missouri, Montana, and Puerto Rico, exhibit changes in unemployment rates that are symmetric.  California, Georgia, Kansas, and North Carolina, show evidence of asymmetry of the change in unemployment rates due to non-linearity in the model.  Unemployment rate asymmetry documented in other states is attributable to non-Gaussian errors.  Asymmetric patterns documented in most states are consistent with the fast-up and slow-down dynamics observed in aggregate unemployment data.

scholarly journals Mask adherence and rate of COVID-19 across the United States

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charlie B. Fischer ◽  
Nedghie Adrien ◽  
Jeremiah J. Silguero ◽  
Julianne J. Hopper ◽  
Abir I. Chowdhury ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Public Health ◽  
United States ◽  
General Public ◽  
State Level ◽  
The United States ◽  
Policy Makers ◽  
Level Data ◽  
High Adherence ◽  
Key Factor ◽  
Public Health Officials

AbstractMask wearing has been advocated by public health officials as a way to reduce the spread of COVID-19. In the United States, policies on mask wearing have varied from state to state over the course of the pandemic. Even as more and more government leaders encourage or even mandate mask wearing, many citizens still resist the notion. Our research examines mask wearing policy and adherence in association with COVID-19 case rates. We used state-level data on mask wearing policy for the general public and on proportion of residents who stated they always wear masks in public. For all 50 states and the District of Columbia (DC), these data were abstracted by month for April ⍰ September 2020 to measure their impact on COVID-19 rates in the subsequent month (May ⍰ October 2020). Monthly COVID-19 case rates (number of cases per capita over two weeks) >200 per 100,000 residents were considered high. Fourteen of the 15 states with no mask wearing policy for the general public through September reported a high COVID-19 rate. Of the 8 states with at least 75% mask adherence, none reported a high COVID-19 rate. States with the lowest levels of mask adherence were most likely to have high COVID-19 rates in the subsequent month, independent of mask policy or demographic factors. Mean COVID-19 rates for states with at least 75% mask adherence in the preceding month was 109.26 per 100,000 compared to 249.99 per 100,000 for those with less adherence. Our analysis suggests high adherence to mask wearing could be a key factor in reducing the spread of COVID-19. This association between high mask adherence and reduced COVID-19 rates should influence policy makers and public health officials to focus on ways to improve mask adherence across the population in order to mitigate the spread of COVID-19.

The Impact of State Firearm Laws on Homicide Rates among Black and White Populations in the United States, 1991–2016

2019 ◽  
Vol 44 (4) ◽  
pp. 232-240 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anita Knopov ◽  
Michael Siegel ◽  
Ziming Xuan ◽  
Emily F Rothman ◽  
Shea W Cronin ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Fixed Effects ◽  
Black People ◽  
State Level ◽  
The United States ◽  
Homicide Rates ◽  
Black And White ◽  
Author Identification ◽  
Background Check ◽  
Black Populations ◽  
The Impact

Abstract This study aimed to investigate the potential differential effects of state-level firearm laws on black and white populations. Using a panel design, authors examined the relationship between state firearm laws and homicide victimization rates among white people and black people in 39 states during the period between 1991 and 2016. Authors modeled homicide rates using linear regression with year and state fixed effects and controlled for a range of time-varying, state-level factors. Results showed that universal background check laws and permit requirement laws were associated with lower homicide rates among both white and black populations, and “shall issue” laws were associated with higher homicide rates among both white and black populations. Laws that prohibit firearm possession among people convicted of a violent misdemeanor or require relinquishment of firearms by people with a domestic violence restraining order were associated with lower black homicide rates, but not with white homicide rates. Author identification of heterogeneity in the associations between state firearm laws and homicide rates among different racial groups has implications for reducing racial health disparities.

scholarly journals Opioid Prescribing Laws Are Not Associated with Short-term Declines in Prescription Opioid Distribution

Pain Medicine ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 21 (3) ◽  
pp. 532-537 ◽  
Author(s):  
Corey S Davis ◽  
Brian J Piper ◽  
Alex K Gertner ◽  
Jason S Rotter
Keyword(s):  
Fixed Effects ◽  
State Level ◽  
Ordinary Least Squares ◽  
Prescription Opioid ◽  
Treatment Access ◽  
Opioid Prescription ◽  
Opioid Prescribing ◽  
Prescription Drug Monitoring Programs ◽  
Level Data ◽  
Total Prescription

Abstract Objective To determine whether the adoption of laws that limit opioid prescribing or dispensing is associated with changes in the volume of opioids distributed in states. Methods State-level data on total prescription opioid distribution for 2015–2017 were obtained from the US Drug Enforcement Administration. We included in our analysis states that enacted an opioid prescribing law in either 2016 or 2017. We used as control states those that did not have an opioid prescribing law during the study period. To avoid confounding, we excluded from our analysis states that enacted or modified mandates to use prescription drug monitoring programs (PDMPs) during the study period. To estimate the effect of opioid prescription laws on opioid distribution, we ran ordinary least squares models with indicators for whether an opioid prescription law was in effect in a state-quarter. We included state and quarter fixed effects to control for time trends and time-invariant differences between states. Results With the exception of methadone and buprenorphine, the amount of opioids distributed in states fell during the study period. The adoption of opioid prescribing laws was not associated with additional decreases in opioids distributed. Conclusions We did not detect an association between adoption of opioid prescribing laws and opioids distributed. States may instead wish to pursue evidence-based efforts to reduce opioid-related harm, with a particular focus on treatment access and harm reduction interventions.

scholarly journals Worker Power and Class Polarization in Intra-Year Work Hour Volatility

Social Forces ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 98 (3) ◽  
pp. 973-999
Author(s):  
Joe LaBriola ◽  
Daniel Schneider
Keyword(s):  
Bargaining Power ◽  
State Level ◽  
The United States ◽  
Job Quality ◽  
One Dimension ◽  
Unemployment Rates ◽  
Precarious Work ◽  
Union Coverage ◽  
Work Hour ◽  
Nationally Representative

Abstract Precarious work, which has become more prevalent in the United States in recent decades, is disproportionately experienced by workers of lower socio-economic classes, and research suggests that the erosion of worker power has contributed to this class polarization in precarity. One dimension of precarious work of growing interest to scholars and policymakers is instability faced by workers in the amount and regularity of their work hours. However, we know little about the magnitude of month-to-month or week-to-week (intra-year) volatility in hours worked, the extent of class-based polarization in this measure of job quality, and whether worker power moderates this polarization. In this paper, we make novel use of the panel nature of the nationally-representative Current Population Survey (CPS) to estimate intra-year volatility in the actual hours respondents report working in the previous week across four consecutive survey months. Using this new measure, we then show that, net of demographic characteristics and controls for occupation and industry, low-wage workers experience disproportionately greater work hour volatility. Finally, we find evidence that reductions in marketplace bargaining power—as measured by higher state-level unemployment rates—increase wage- and education-based polarization in work hour volatility, while increases in associational power—as measured by union coverage—reduce wage-based polarization in work hour volatility.

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