scholarly journals IASA Statement of Support for the Struggle Against Racialized Violence in the United States

2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 291-293
Author(s):  
RIAS Editors

The International American Studies Association is dismayed to see the explosion of anger, bitterness and desperation that has been triggered by yet another senseless, cruel and wanton act of racialized violence in the United States. We stand in solidarity with and support the ongoing struggle by African Americans, indigenous peoples, ethnic minorities, migrants and the marginalized against the racialized violence perpetrated against them. As scholars of the United States, we see the killing of George Floyd and many before them as acts on the continuum of the history of the powerful committing racialized violence against the powerless in the United States from before the birth of that country to the here and now of the present day. This continuum stretches from the transatlantic slave trade, the genocide of the indigenous population, the denial of rights and liberties to women, through the exploitation of American workers, slavery and Jim Crow, to the exclusion and inhumane treatment of the same migrants who make a profit for American corporations and keep prices low for the U.S. consumer. As scholars of the United States, we are acutely aware of how racialized violence is systemic, of how it has been woven into the fabric of U.S. society and cultures by the powerful, and of how the struggle against it has produced some of the greatest contributions of U.S. society to world culture and heritage. The desperate rebellion of the powerless against racialized violence by the powerful is in turn propagandized as unreasonable or malicious. It is neither. It is an uprising to defend their own lives, their last resort after waiting for generations for justice and equal treatment from law enforcement, law makers, and the courts. In too many instances, those in power have answered such uprisings with deadly force—and in every instance, they have had alternatives to this response. We are calling on those in power and the people with the guns in the United States now to exercise their choices and choose an alternative to deadly force as a response to the struggle against racialized violence. You have the power and the weapons—you have a choice to do the right thing and make peace. We are calling on U.S. law makers to listen and address the issues of injustice and racialized violence through systemic reform that remakes the very fabric of the United States justice system, including independent accountability oversight for law enforcement. We are calling on our IASA members and Americanists around the world to redouble their efforts at teaching their students and educating the public of the truth about the struggle against racialized violence in the United States. We are calling on our IASA members and Americanists around the world to become allies in the struggle against racialized violence in the United States and in their home societies by publicizing scholarship on the truth, by listening to and amplifying the voices of black people, ethnic minorities and the marginalized, and supporting them in this struggle on their own terms. We are calling on all fellow scholarly associations to explore all the ways in which they can put pressure with those in power at all levels in the United States to do the right thing and end racialized violence. There will be no peace in our hearts and souls until justice is done and racialized violence is ended—until all of us are able “to breathe free.” Dr Manpreet Kaur Kang, President of the International American Studies Association, Professor of English and Dean, School of Humanities & Social Sciences, Guru Gobind Singh Indraprastha University, India;Dr Jennifer Frost, President of the Australian and New Zealand American Studies Association, Associate Professor of History, University of Auckland, New Zealand;Dr S. Bilge Mutluay Çetintaş, Associate Professor, Department of American Culture and Literature, Hacettepe University, Turkey;Dr Gabriela Vargas-Cetina, Professor of Anthropology, Universidad Autónoma de Yucatán, Mexico;Dr Paweł Jędrzejko, Associate Professor of American Literature, University of Silesia in Katowice, Poland;Dr Marietta Messmer, Associate Professor of American Studies, University of Groningen, The Netherlands;Dr Kryštof Kozák, Department of North American Studies, Charles University, Prague;Dr Giorgio Mariani, Professor of English and American Languages and Literatures, Department of European, American and Intercultural Studies, Università “Sapienza” of Rome;Dr György Tóth, Lecturer, History, Heritage and Politics, University of Stirling, Scotland, United Kingdom;Dr Manuel Broncano, Professor of American Literature and Director of English, Spanish, and Translation, Texas A&M International University, Laredo, USA;Dr Jiaying Cai, Lecturer at the School of English Studies, Shanghai International Studies University, China;Dr Alessandro Buffa, Secretary, Center for Postcolonial and Gender Studies, University of Naples L’Orientale, Italy;

This essay is a response to Ban’s contribution in Global Perspectives on the United States. Ellis asks how often it is that large, highly visible, and public monumental art is also strangely invisible as well, and notes that “Little Warsaw” (András Gálik and Bálint Havas) appearing in the Ban article makes such complexity especially central. Very appreciative of what Zsofia Ban writes in her essay, Ellis notes that the further one delves into a complex representation of “legend, social space, and locality” the more elusive the meanings become. In Ban’s case, it is especially interesting to see how a sculpture is talked about as mainstream in Hungarian representational art, by people both on the right and on the left, when it was not and had not been. “Little Warsaw” then offers American Studies a reminder of how capacious it must be in what falls within its turf, while never forgetting the complexities of imperialistic appropriation.


1980 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 115-135 ◽  
Author(s):  
Malcolm Bradbury

There exists a handy term, “Americanist,” that serves to describe what it is I am, and what it is I do. I teach in, indeed I started, a busy American Studies programme; I specialize in American literature. The term is handy, and yet it doesn't entirely satisfy me, explaining a good deal about the object of my academic attention, but nothing about why the attention grew up, or what part it plays in my life. I have many basic preoccupations, and many roles deriving from them: I am a university teacher, a literary critic, a writer. But if, as I think, they link fruitfully with each other, this is because they are tied by a presiding and demanding preoccupation with literature — with its stylistic nature and its social and cultural origins and existence, with its historical pastness and its insistent presentness. In such matters I spend most of my life and invest most of my imagination. And in such matters there is no doubt that the United States plays a central and a fascinating part. Yet I was interested in literature before I was interested in America, I was interested in America before I became an Americanist, and my Americanist interest is itself part of something else, an obsessive concern with the inter-nationality of writing, with the influences that shape and command it, with the world in which it works, or does not, as the case may be. So I want to go behind my Americanist function – and what better opportunity could I have than in response to the present invitation, which calls for reminiscence, and even a little confession?In many ways, of course, my American interests are inevitable enough and obvious enough: anyone drawing the map of contemporary intellectual geography would need to put the United States in some radiating and central position, and anyone considering the nature of writing today would need to agree that in its conduct and its stylistic advancement the United States plays a role of enormous power.


2014 ◽  
Vol 52 (4) ◽  
pp. 1181-1183

Tomas Nonnenmacher of the Department of Economics at Allegheny College reviews “The People's Network: The Political Economy of the Telephone in the Gilded Age”, by Robert MacDougall. The Econlit abstract of this book begins: “Explores the commercial, political, and cultural war over the telephone industry and medium in the United States and Canada, and considers how these struggles built the communication infrastructure we have today. Discusses whether all telephones are local; visions of telephony; unnatural monopoly; the independent alternative; the politics of scale; and the system gospel. MacDougall is Associate Professor of History and Associate Director of the Centre for American Studies at Western University, London, Ontario.”


This chapter presents the conclusions to the book. It discusses ideas for the future of the off-campus student-speech jurisprudence. This discussion includes guidance for school officials and students on how to navigate the jurisprudence. The discussion urges school officials to exercise censorship restraint when confronted with off-campus student speech unless the speech constitutes a true threat. It also implores school officials and lower courts to treat students as citizens entitled to the right to free speech under the United States Constitution. Consonantly, the chapter recommends that school officials leave censorship of off-campus speech to law enforcement as well as the civil and criminal judicial processes as obtains for the citizenry at large. The goal of the chapter is to recommend ideas that students, school officials and lower courts can consider in order to minimize the abridgement of students' right to speech in off-campus settings.


2016 ◽  
Vol 51 (2) ◽  
pp. 513-533
Author(s):  
DAVID KIERAN

This article examines the cultural politics of military awards during the Obama administration. It examines the administration's posthumous recognition of three Vietnam veterans, arguing that the President has embraced a remembrance of the war that encourages Americans to celebrate veterans without regard for the illegal, controversial, or morally questionable activities in which they participated. This effort, I argue, helps build support for the United States' continuing expansion of war fighting in Afghanistan, Pakistan, Yemen, and elsewhere by encouraging Americans to adopt a similar perspective regarding current wars – one that celebrates military personnel while not questioning the policies that they pursue or the manner in which they do so.


Criminology ◽  
2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Philip M. Stinson

Deadly force refers to any use of force by a police officer that could result in the imposition of serious bodily injury or death. It includes homicides by police. Most homicides by police in the United States are found to be legally justified. A sworn law enforcement officer with general powers of arrest is legally justified in using deadly force if the officer has a reasonable apprehension of an imminent threat of serious bodily injury or death being imposed against the officer or someone else. The fleeing felon rule has been abrogated and police officers are no longer legally justified in using deadly force to stop a fleeing felon absent other exigencies that would constitute an imminent threat. Deadly force research has long been hampered by the lack of meaningful data on the incidence and prevalence of police use of deadly force. Government counts of fatal officer-involved shootings have grossly underestimated annual counts of deadly force incidents. Recent open-source databases, largely created and curated by media organizations, have found that between 900 and 1,000 persons are shot and killed by on-duty police officers each year in the United States. This bibliography mostly focuses on deadly force in the United States. There has been a renewed interest in deadly force research in the aftermath of numerous officer-involved shooting in recent years, with calls for police accountability, transparency, and legitimacy, particularly as various stakeholders have called attention to racial disparities in terms of who is victimized by police deadly force and claims of police bias manifested through police violence against minority citizens.


2013 ◽  
Vol 1 (4) ◽  
pp. 60
Author(s):  
Rene Franco ◽  
Chirag Desai ◽  
William Firth ◽  
Harold M. Szerlip

Medical service trips have a long and distinguished history. In the United States,interest in medical outreach trips has grown substantially, as medical schools andnon-governmental organizations support numerous overseas endeavors at an estimatedcost of 250 million dollars a year. Although providing care to those in need is arewarding experience, the question that needs to be answered is whether these tripsdo more harm than good. We describe our experience during a medical service trip toEnsenada, Mexico. We treated over 500 people for numerous problems, but due to thelack of services were not able to monitor or ensure follow-up. Did we do more harmby providing medications that can have serious side effects? Recommendations havebeen developed to help short-term international medical service trips provide the bestoverall experience for the participants and the best care for the patients.


2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Allen Linden

Good Samaritan laws are common throughout Canada and the United States. The rationalefor the development of Good Samaritans law has been that the benefit of immunity for GoodSamaritans is more altruistic than the punishment of liability for Bad Samaritans. However,our tort law’s declaration that one need not assist one in danger weakens the moral statureof our law. Our law supports those who do the right thing and denounces those who do thewrong thing. The intrusiveness of liability for bystanders is usually argued against BadSamaritan laws. However potential liability is rare; the moral stature of our law is worththe effort to resolve this issue.


1996 ◽  
Vol 1 (10) ◽  
pp. 808-809
Author(s):  
Lionel Turner

On any given day, 10,000 human beings are born in the United States. But on that same day, 70,000 puppies and kittens are also born. It is no surprise that too few homes are waiting for too many dogs and cats.


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