scholarly journals Konsekwencje brexitu dla finansów Unii Europejskiej

Studia BAS ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (67) ◽  
pp. 133-152
Author(s):  
Kamil Kotliński

The aim of the article is to identify the consequences of Brexit from the point of view of the EU finances. The first section focuses on the share of member states in the EU budget revenue. The author attempted to estimate the additional contribution of each member state. The second section briefly shows in which EU programmes the UK still takes part. The third section concentrates on the adjustment of the shares in the capital of the European Investment Bank and the European Central Bank to the reduced number of shareholders. The next part discusses the budgetary correction mechanisms as a historical remnant of the British rebate. In the last section the author describes the Brexit Adjustment Reserve, which supports regions and sectors most affected by the United Kingdom’s withdrawal from the European Union.

2021 ◽  
pp. 42-78
Author(s):  
Margot Horspool ◽  
Matthew Humphreys ◽  
Michael Wells-Greco

This chapter discusses the role and composition of the institutions of the EU. These include the European Council, the Council, the Commission, the European Parliament, the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) and the General Court, the Court of Auditors, the European Economic and Social Committee (EESC), the Committee of the Regions (COR), the European Investment Bank and the European Central Bank. This chapter also discusses the EU’s associated bodies or agencies as well as their respective roles and the ways in which they interrelate with the EU institutions.


Author(s):  
Laura Garrido Maza

The EU has been promoting the use of PPPs in order to accelerate the development of the Trans-European Transport Network (TEN-T) for ensuring economic, social and territorial cohesion and increasing accessibility throughout the Union. To encourage the use of PPPs, the European Commission has put several financing mechanisms at the disposal of the Member States, including a series of innovative financial instruments developed along with the European Investment Bank. The Bank has in turn played a major role in the promotion and financing of PPPs across the EU. The paper undertakes a review of the main financial instruments developed by the EU that are available to PPPs so as to determinate to what extent the European financial support has been channelled to road projects under that scheme in Spain. On the basis of the results obtained, a multiple regression model has been developed to analyse whether the PPP projects which enjoyed the financial support of the European Union tend to be significantly more successful from an economic point of view. The paper concludes that there is a positive correlation between receiving European financial support and the success of the PPP road projects.DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/CIT2016.2016.3492


IG ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 44 (4) ◽  
pp. 328-335
Author(s):  
Hartmut Marhold

The European Union (EU) invests huge resources in overcoming the pandemic crisis and does so as a learning system: The Union learned lessons from the previous, the financial, economic and state debt crisis after 2008, in many ways. The EU assumes now definitely the role of an active player in the economy, leaving behind the neoliberal doctrine; she suspends the restrictive budgetary policy, which prevented already in 2008 and the following years adequate solutions; she reshaped the control over its financial aid programmes so that harsh conflict between member states („troika“) are mitigated; the Union further refined the public private partnership mechanisms established unter the aegis of the European Investment Bank (EIB); the European Central Bank (ECB) assumes now a role still disputed after 2008; the flexibility clauses of the Lisbon Treaty, just put into force after 2008, are now extensively applied; and, more than anything else, the Union aims at a change of paradigm by putting the NextGenerationEU programme at the service of sustainable development (enshrined in the Green Deal).


Author(s):  
Răzvan Hoinaru ◽  
Mihnea Năstase

Abstract There is a considerable amount of publications written on rolling back the EU supra state, national sovereignty regain, and strategic (mis)conceptions for analysing Brexit scenarios for both the UK and the EU. Many articles present a unilateral point of view with a tendency to be normative. The presentation of only one-sided political, historical, and business perspectives can be very dangerous, limiting understanding and constructive approaches. This also happens with macro-economic analyses that are used fit for purpose. David Cameron’s political calculation to call for a referendum regarding the UK’s withdrawal from the European Union has had complex ramifications. With causes that have led to the British citizens’ decision that range from multiple crises in the European Union, member states’ inability for burden and risk sharing, to the lack of trust portrayed by European institutions and a confusing internal rhetoric. With a City of London remaining undecided and continuously evaluating the value at risk of Brexit, and in the absence of a new European financial center, it is important to make sense of the arguments of both in and out supporters. Thus, this article attempts to present a more integrated approach, spanning across politics, trade, private businesses and social attitudes. This paper looks beyond international relations between nations and takes into consideration the international relations between corporations and their business strategies.


2019 ◽  
pp. 140-167
Author(s):  
Nigel Foster

This chapter examines the supremacy of EU law from both the point of view of the Union, as understood by the Court of Justice of the European Union, and the point of view of member states. A consensus seems to be emerging from the national and constitutional courts that EU law supremacy is accepted only insofar as it does not infringe the individual rights protection of the national constitutions, in which case the constitutional courts will exercise their reserved rights over national constitutions to uphold them over inconsistent EU law or to review EU law in light of their own constitutions. The changing position of the UK and the EU is also considered including the Brexit referendum result and possible consequences of that.


Author(s):  
Nigel Foster

This chapter examines the supremacy of EU law from both the point of view of the Union as understood by the Court of Justice of the European Union, and the point of view of member states. A consensus seems to be emerging from the national and constitutional courts that EU law supremacy is accepted only insofar as it does not infringe the individual rights protection of the national constitutions, in which case the constitutional courts will exercise their reserved rights over national constitutions to uphold them over inconsistent EU law or to review EU law in light of their own constitutions. The changing position of the UK and the EU is also considered including the Brexit referendum result and possible consequences of that.


2020 ◽  
pp. 33-60
Author(s):  
Sylvia de Mars

This chapter discusses the different institutions that make up the ‘EU government’. It begins by explaining the Article 50 TEU (Treaty of European Union) process, which sets out how a Member State can leave the EU. The chapter then describes the European Council, the European Commission, the Council of Ministers, the European Parliament, and the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU). The two other EU institutions set out in Article 13 TEU include the European Central Bank and the Ombudsman. The chapter then considers how the roles of the EU institutions in the UK will change over the next few years following Brexit. It studies the Withdrawal Agreement and assesses what happens after the so-called transition period.


Author(s):  
Margot Horspool ◽  
Matthew Humphreys ◽  
Michael Wells-Greco

This chapter discusses the institutions of the EU and associated bodies. These include the European Council, the Council, the Commission, the European Parliament, the Court of Justice of the European Union and the General Court, the Court of Auditors, the European Economic and Social Committee (EESC), the Committee of the Regions (COR), the European Investment Bank, and the European Central Bank.


Author(s):  
И. Чернышова ◽  
I. Chernyshova

In June 2016 the referendum on the minimum majority of votes of British citizens supported a British exit from the European Union, from that moment began the formal process of so-called “Brexit” — a unique event in the political life of the EU and the UK. Apart the political aspect, Brexit also is a difficult challenge for legislators, academics and lawyers both in the EU and in the UK. Over the last forty years, the legislative system of the EU and the UK are closely intertwined and now constitute a single legal system. The notice of withdrawal from the EU has caused differences which led to the consideration of the functions and powers of the government in court. This article discusses how participants of the legal process of brexit (legislators, academics and lawyers) approach to solving this problem: background, development process, proposed legislation and the reaction to it from the professional legal community with the view of the political process and the preparations for the negotiations on the exit procedure and further cooperation. In the article, the procedure and consequences of the brexit are considered from the European and British points of view. The key legislative act defining the brexit consequences for the legal system in the UK will be the Bill on the Great Cancellation, which determines the order of separation of the British legal system from Europe. The article also includes a brief review of the brexit effects for individual areas of British law.


Author(s):  
Marcus Klamert

Article 291 EC The Union shall enjoy in the territories of the Member States such privileges and immunities as are necessary for the performance of its tasks, under the conditions laid down in the Protocol of 8 April 1965 on the privileges and immunities of the European Union. The same shall apply to the European Central Bank and the European Investment Bank.


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