Chapter Three The Jewish Police as an Executive Organ

2021 ◽  
pp. 67-89
Keyword(s):  
Executive Organ

Critical Analysis on the Comparative Advantage of Presidentialism over Parliamentary System on Liberty and National Unity in Ethiopia

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-17
Author(s):  
Sisay A. Temesgen
Keyword(s):  
Comparative Advantage ◽  
Democratic Republic ◽  
Separation Of Powers ◽  
National Unity ◽  
Checks And Balances ◽  
Parliamentary System ◽  
The Government ◽  
Executive Organ ◽  
Council Of Ministers ◽  
The Impact

Abstract The Ethiopian Federal Democratic Republic (EFDR) Constitution is promulgated in 1994. Under Article (45) of the EFDR the country is restructured from presidential to parliamentary system of government. Since then, the country has been ravaged by the gross violation of the liberty of citizens and the crisis of national unity and consensus among the diversified ethnic groups. The impact of the parliamentary system in aggravating those critical challenges and the comparative advantage of presidantialism is the most ignored political research topic. In this Article, I investigated that the blurry separation of powers of the parliamentary structure of the country has created fusion of powers which has undermined the system of checks and balances. Thus, the executive organ of the government has enabled to concentrate unchecked and unaccountable power which has manifested in the gross violation of the liberty of citizens. Likewise, Article (73) of EFDR has declared that the prime minister and council of ministers of the country to be appointed by the legislators. This has deprived their boarder popular base and authenticity; and equivocally undermined their potency and decisiveness in addressing the existing crisis of national unity and consensus. Comparatively, the presidential structure of government is defined by the firm separation of powers and genuine system of checks and balances. The direct popular election of the president enables the president and council of ministers to secure broader popular base and authenticity. Thus, it is advantageous over parliamentarian structure in terms of protecting the liberty of citizens and addressing the crisis of national unity and consensus in Ethiopia.

Umschlagplatz

2021 ◽  
pp. 121-138
Author(s):  
Katarzyna Person
Keyword(s):  
Family Members ◽  
Executive Organ

This chapter refers to SS Sturmbannführer Hermann Höfle, the head of Operation Reinhard in Warsaw, who read out the order for displacement of Jews from the ghetto on July 22, 1942. It discusses how the order contains the task for the Jewish Order Service to serve as the executive organ of the Judenrat responsible for carrying out the deportations. It also mentions the few hundred prisoners from Gesia Street who joined the group of deportees from Dzika Street and were led into custody in front of despairing family members. The chapter notes how the Jewish Order Service did not give any explanation as to why they included children in the deportation, but it was speculated that the roundup of beggar children was intended for taking them to the Jewish prison. From the day of the deportation, the Jewish Order Service was then tasked to bring six thousand people to the Umschlagplatz every day.

scholarly journals Próby uporządkowania archiwów miejskich na prowincji galicyjskiej w 2 poł. XIX w.

2019 ◽  
Vol 11 ◽  
Author(s):  
Arkadiusz S. Więch
Keyword(s):  
19Th Century ◽  
Executive Organ ◽  
The 19Th Century

Attempts at Ordering Municipal Archives of Galician Smaller Towns and Settlements in the Second Half of the 19th Century: An Introduction to the Problem The second half of the 19th century saw an increased interest in documents that were stored in various public offices, institutions, and archives throughout Galicia (Kingdom of Galicia and Lodomeria). However the condition of the documents themselves and of their storage were far from ideal. When modern archives were established in Krakow and Lvov, a regulation by National Department (the executive organ of the local parliament Landtag) of July 22, 1887 started the process of registering, ordering, gathering, and preserving of the documents. These efforts were vastly supported by an association of Galician conservators Grono Konserwatorów Galicyjskich.

Estonia

2015 ◽  
Author(s):  
Merle Haruoja ◽  
Kristi Rekand ◽  
Adrian Ward
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Diplomatic Relations ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
German Speaking ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Executive Organ ◽  
Independent Country ◽  
Teutonic Knights

Estonia became an independent country in 1918 following centuries of domination—at different times—by Sweden, German-speaking Teutonic Knights, and Russia. After annexation by the Soviet Union, then occupation by Germany, Estonia was again occupied by the Soviet Union from 1944. Independence was restored by proclamation on 20 August 1991 by the Estonian Supreme Soviet, acting in agreement with the Estonian Committee (the executive organ of the Estonian Congress). That proclamation was rapidly followed by the restoration of diplomatic relations and recognition of the Republic of Estonia by many countries.

Amendments to Articles 23, 27 and 61 of the Charter of the United Nations

1965 ◽  
Vol 59 (4) ◽  
pp. 834-856 ◽  
Author(s):  
Egon Schwelb
Keyword(s):  
United Nations ◽  
San Francisco ◽  
Security Council ◽  
General Assembly ◽  
Constitutional Development ◽  
Social Council ◽  
Unresolved Conflict ◽  
The United Nations ◽  
Executive Organ ◽  
Made In

The student of the constitutional development of the United Nations has certainly had no reason so far to complain of a scarcity of serious problems and dangerous crises claiming his attention: from Mr. Khrushchev’s proposal of 1960 to abolish the office of the Secretary General and to replace it by an executive organ consisting of three persons representing the Western Powers, the socialist states and the neutralist countries, to the long drawn-out and, at the time of this writing, still unresolved conflict concerning “certain expenses of the United Nations,” the application of Article 19 of the Charter and “the whole question of peace-keeping operations in all their aspects.” It therefore comes as a pleasant change if, for once, he can address himself to a development of the constitutional law of the Organization which is clearly of a non-revolutionary character and is being brought about by applying the very procedure which is laid down in the Charter for changes of this kind: the increase, by the procedure regulated in Article 108 of the Charter, of the number of nonpermanent Members of the Security Council from six to ten and the increase of the membership of the Economic and Social Council from eighteen to twenty-seven. This was done by amendments to Articles 23, 27 and 61 of the Charter, which were adopted by the General Assembly on December 17, 1963, and which, by August 31, 1965, were ratified by 93 Members, i.e., a number exceeding two-thirds of the Members of the United Nations, including all the permanent Members of the Security Council. The amendments entered into force on August 31, 1965. While the changes thus made in the Charter have not brought about fundamental modifications in the structure of the Organization, they are of considerable political importance. Moreover, they are the first amendments in the text of the San Francisco Charter and, in the words of Secretary of State Rusk, “this is enough by itself to endow the event with considerable significance.”

scholarly journals PALESTINE, INTERNATIONAL LAW AND MUSLIM UNITY

2012 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Mohammad Naqib Ishan Jan
Keyword(s):  
International Law ◽  
Security Council ◽  
League Of Nations ◽  
Legal Issue ◽  
Un Security Council ◽  
The Will ◽  
Lack Of Commitment ◽  
Executive Organ ◽  
Rights Issue ◽  
State Of Israel

The Palestine issue is a heart breaking politico-legal issue that has remained unresolved for so long. The issue started immediately after the disintegration of the Ottoman Empire and following the occupation of Palestine by Great Britain. Britain disregarded the will of the majority of population, facilitated, directly or indirectly, Jewish settlements and supported foreign- led Zionist movement by making an unjust and illegal promise to them to create a state for Jews in Palestine which it eventually did and in doing so it further complicated the Palestine issue – an issue which the League of Nations was unable to solve due to its lack of commitment and its weak organizational structure. The issue has continued till today and is termed as “the most serious and prolonged unresolved political and human rights issue on the agenda of the United Nations (UN) since its inception.” The inability of the UN to resolve the Palestine issue is not due to the fault of international law but due to the lack of commitment of some of the powerful members of its executive organ, that is the Security Council. These powers disgracefully have shown passivity and apparent indifference about the long and cruel Israeli occupation of Palestine. As this paper explains, the indifference on the part of the UN Security Council has enabled the Zionist state of Israel to pursue with impunity its aggressive wars, its ethnic cleaning strategy, its settlements policy, its blockades of the Palestinian cities and towns and its denial of the Palestinians’ inalienable right of self determination. If the powerful nations of the world failed Palestine and its people, we the Muslims must not follow suit. We must stop our infighting and unite our strength and do everything that is peacefully possible to help Palestinians to find a just solution to their problem and if possible to restore Palestine to its historical status.

scholarly journals Frekwencja wyborcza w elekcjach samorządowych w Polsce

2018 ◽  
pp. 15-22
Author(s):  
Małgorzata Niewiadomska-Cudak
Keyword(s):  
Voter Turnout ◽  
Focal Point ◽  
The Self ◽  
Parliamentary Election ◽  
Political Transformation ◽  
Cultural Economic ◽  
Voting Procedures ◽  
Executive Organ ◽  
The City

The focal point of this paper is voter turnout in the self-government elections in Poland. Particular attention is given to the turnout in the city with district rights, Łódź. This city provides an interesting place of research, both on account of its peculiar location in the center of Poland, and its recent cultural, economic and political transformation. A local referendum on the dismissal of the city mayor, held on January 10, 2010, is worth mentioning. Łódź was the first large Polish city (with a population of over 500,000) where a one-man executive organ was dismissed before the end of his term. In the paper, the results of parliamentary election turnouts are juxtaposed with self-government election turnouts. Voter turnout is analyzed for each term of the self-government in Łódź, and the types and reasons for absence are indicated. The author uses these data to emphasize that over the twenty years of self-government’s existence, voting procedures in Poland have not changed and are the most conservative in Europe.

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