Decentralization in France: Plus ça change … ?

1986 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 191-201
Author(s):  
Paul J. Godt

Introduced as one of the Socialists’ showcase reforms, the “grande affaire du septennat” in the words of Prime Minister Mauroy, decentralization was hailed as a profound restructuring of center-periphery relations in France, liberating local officials from the overbearing authoritarian control traditionally exercised by the national government. Thus far, 21 laws and 185 decrees have been adopted and countless circulars made public. The avalanche of texts has given rise to a growing literature analyzing the perspectives opened up by the reforms. But three years’ experience has also accumulated, and this paper seeks to assess the changes that have taken place.

Asian Survey ◽  
2009 ◽  
Vol 49 (1) ◽  
pp. 156-165 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bilveer Singh

The March 2008 general elections fundamentally altered Malaysian politics. The ruling coalition lost its two-thirds majority in the national Parliament and five state assemblies, and Prime Minister Abdullah was forced to announce his resignation. The opposition also stands the chance of forming the national government in the near future.


1986 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 159-182 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stuart Ball

On 24 August 1931 the prime minister, Ramsay MacDonald, tendered the resignation of the second Labour government. In its place he became the premier of an all-party ‘National’ cabinet. This included both the leader of the Conservative party, Stanley Baldwin, and the acting-leader of the Liberal party, Sir Herbert Samuel, together with a number of their senior colleagues. This temporary emergency administration went on to win a landslide majority in the general election of October 1931, and to govern for the ensuing decade. The crisis which created the National government has proved to be of enduring fascination, as a result of its intrinsic interest as the major political crisis of the inter-war period and its profound consequences for subsequent British history. However, historical attention has been principally focused upon the problems of the Labour government, the decisions of Ramsay MacDonald, and the contribution of King George V. As a result the role of the Conservative party – often portrayed as having been the sole benefactor from these events – has been either neglected for its supposed passivity or misunderstood in its mood and intention.


Significance Both have refused to reconcile fully with the internationally-recognised national government in Tripoli, the Government of National Accord (GNA), led by Prime Minister Fayez al-Serraj. Relations between Egypt and Libya have important economic and security dimensions but suffered during the rule of former Libyan leader Muammar al-Qadhafi (in power 1969-2011). Impacts Trade and economic activity between Egypt and Libya will grow, despite Libya’s political troubles. A significant deterioration in security along the Egyptian-Libyan border is unlikely. Qatar and Turkey may yet make new efforts to counterbalance Egypt’s approach in Libya.


Subject Sri Lanka's stalling constitutional reforms and Tamil politics. Significance The Tamil National Alliance (TNA) is resisting overtures from Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe to join a new ‘national government’ led by his United National Party (UNP). Sri Lanka’s recent constitutional crisis, which saw President Maithripala Sirisena replace Wickremesinghe before eventually reinstating him, saw the TNA playing a key role in the balance of legislative power. More generally, a process to reform the constitution and promote reconciliation between Sri Lanka’s Sinhalese majority and Tamil minority has stalled. Impacts A delay in procuring financial support from the Bank of China could increase pressure on Wickremesinghe’s government. The country will likely see bouts of anti-Muslim violence ahead of the next provincial council elections and parliamentary poll. Sri Lankan tourist numbers will likely rise after missing last year’s annual target due to the constitutional crisis.


2009 ◽  
Vol 68 (2) ◽  
pp. 145-162
Author(s):  
Frans-Jos Verdoodt

Op het einde van 2008 bevond het centrale bestuur van België zich sinds ruim anderhalf jaar in een uitzichtloos gewaande crisis. Toen werden door het staatshoofd enkele politici naar voren geroepen die zich eigenlijk reeds in de herfst van hun politieke loopbaan bevonden. Eén onder hen, Herman Van Rompuy, werd premier. Een andere, Wilfried Martens, verkende de politieke toestand en bakende het pad af voor de nieuwe premier.Vooral het naar voren treden van Martens was een opmerkelijk feit, zowel inhoudelijk als qua stijl. Een geschikte gelegenheid dus om het politieke parcours dat hij gedurende decennia had afgelegd te beschrijven en te analyseren. Dat kon gebeuren aan de hand van de gedenkschriften die hij een paar jaar voordien over die eigen loopbaan had gepubliceerd. Tegelijk werden die gedenkschriften in sommige onderdelen getoetst aan memoires van zijn tijdgenoten en aan recentere lectuur over bepaalde onderdelen van de zogenaamde ‘periode-Martens’.________The old caravan passes by. Wilfried Martens, his political generation, his memoriesAt the end of 2008 the national government of Belgium had been experiencing a crisis for over a year and a half and which was deemed to be hopeless. At that time the head of state called upon a few politicians who in fact had already reached the autumn of their political career. One of them, Herman Van Rompuy became Prime Minister. Another, Wilfried Martins, explored the political situation and set out the path for the new Prime Minister.It was particularly the fact that Martens came to the fore that was remarkable, both in reference to content and style. This is therefore a suitable opportunity to describe and analyse the political path he had pursued during decades. This could be achieved on the basis of the memoirs about his own career that he had published a few years earlier. At the same time certain parts of these memoirs were checked by comparison with memoirs of his contemporaries and with more recent publications about certain details of the so-called 'Martens period'.


1980 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 142-164 ◽  
Author(s):  
John D. Fair

The creation of the National Government of 1931 has been a theme of unending comment and controversy. Politicians and writers of the left, with their party suddenly decapitated and bereft of office, not surprisingly were bitter. Their tendency was to castigate anyone who had played an obvious role in the crisis. Therefore, Ramsay MacDonald, who presided over the change, has been branded a traitor by his former colleagues and by later generations of Labour supporters. Even for historians he has remained at the center of the controversy.From a slightly wider perspective, it has been possible to suspect a “bankers' ramp,” and the king has been singled out for special abuse on the charge of misleading the prime minister. Although some of these elements have been dismissed as myths in Reginald Bassett's 1958 treatise, the controversy hardly has been brought closer to a solution. In his review of that polemical study, Richard Crossman contended that “no one has yet succeeded in writing about this crisis without violent partisanship” and that it remained “the kind of live political issue about which no one except a political eunuch can write dispassionately.” That the debate continues is evident from the recent biography of MacDonald by David Marquand, who, in an attempt to vindicate his subject, once more reverts to the king as the agent most responsible for the creation of a coalition. Amazingly, no writer has yet interpreted the formation of the National Government as a Conservative Party bid for power, despite the control manifested by that party in the ensuing general election and the eventual successions of Stanley Baldwin and Neville Chamberlain to the premiership.


2021 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 78-84
Author(s):  
Mikhail Vedernikov ◽  

On the eve of the next parliamentary elections in the Czech Republic (October 2021), the leader of the electoral race changed. It was the Czech Pirate Party (CPP), which squeezed out the ruling movement of Prime Minister A. Babiš ANO (Action of Dissatisfied Citizens). It is highly probable «pirates» will head the Cabinet of Ministers in the fall of 2021. The situation emerging in the Czech Republic is unique, since for the first time in world practice, the national government will be headed by a Pirate party. The article examines the transformation of CPP from a «single issue party» to its current position. The features of the CPP functioning are indicated, the circumstances of the growth of its popularity are revealed. An explanation of the reasons for the weakening of the ANO is also given.


Significance The prime minister withdrew his first cabinet, proposed in early January, after opposition to the inclusion of figures from the outgoing government who were considered too closely aligned with President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud. The government is the country's third under the provisional constitutional framework adopted in August 2012. It faces a daunting list of tasks to achieve before its mandate runs out in August 2016, including establishing a framework for relations between regional member states and the national government, building electoral architecture, finalising the constitution before a referendum, and holding national parliamentary and presidential elections. Impacts With the exception of al-Shabaab, all parties continue to work within the federal framework, despite its problems. Security operations led by African Union (AU) peacekeepers and assisted by Somali forces will continue to pressure al-Shabaab territorially. Clan-based haggling over this cabinet could lead to a burst of legislative activity, as government and clan interests align temporarily.


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