De oude karavaan trekt voorbij. Wilfried Martens, zijn politieke generatie, zijn herinneringen

2009 ◽  
Vol 68 (2) ◽  
pp. 145-162
Author(s):  
Frans-Jos Verdoodt

Op het einde van 2008 bevond het centrale bestuur van België zich sinds ruim anderhalf jaar in een uitzichtloos gewaande crisis. Toen werden door het staatshoofd enkele politici naar voren geroepen die zich eigenlijk reeds in de herfst van hun politieke loopbaan bevonden. Eén onder hen, Herman Van Rompuy, werd premier. Een andere, Wilfried Martens, verkende de politieke toestand en bakende het pad af voor de nieuwe premier.Vooral het naar voren treden van Martens was een opmerkelijk feit, zowel inhoudelijk als qua stijl. Een geschikte gelegenheid dus om het politieke parcours dat hij gedurende decennia had afgelegd te beschrijven en te analyseren. Dat kon gebeuren aan de hand van de gedenkschriften die hij een paar jaar voordien over die eigen loopbaan had gepubliceerd. Tegelijk werden die gedenkschriften in sommige onderdelen getoetst aan memoires van zijn tijdgenoten en aan recentere lectuur over bepaalde onderdelen van de zogenaamde ‘periode-Martens’.________The old caravan passes by. Wilfried Martens, his political generation, his memoriesAt the end of 2008 the national government of Belgium had been experiencing a crisis for over a year and a half and which was deemed to be hopeless. At that time the head of state called upon a few politicians who in fact had already reached the autumn of their political career. One of them, Herman Van Rompuy became Prime Minister. Another, Wilfried Martins, explored the political situation and set out the path for the new Prime Minister.It was particularly the fact that Martens came to the fore that was remarkable, both in reference to content and style. This is therefore a suitable opportunity to describe and analyse the political path he had pursued during decades. This could be achieved on the basis of the memoirs about his own career that he had published a few years earlier. At the same time certain parts of these memoirs were checked by comparison with memoirs of his contemporaries and with more recent publications about certain details of the so-called 'Martens period'.

2021 ◽  
Vol 55 (1) ◽  
pp. 223-252
Author(s):  
Milan Rapajić

One of the characteristics of the system of government in the Fifth French Republic is the strengthened position of the head of state, but also the existence of the first minister as a constitutional category with a significant role. The constitution provides the political responsibility of the government with the Prime Minister and ministers before parliament. Certain French writers have opinion that the Prime Minister appears as the central figure of the constitutional structure. The Prime Minister shall direct the actions of the Government. This is 21 of Constitution. Also, there are specific powers that put the Prime Minister in the position of its real head of government. Among the prime minister's most important powers is his right to elect members of the government. It is the right to propose to the President of the Republic the appointment but also the dismissal of members of the government. The Prime Minister is authorized to re-sign certain acts of the President of the Republic. In case of temporary impediment of the head of state, the Prime Minister chairs the councils and committees for national defense, as well as the Council of Ministers. The paper analyzes the constitutional provisions that lead to the conclusion that the position of the Prime Minister is institutionally constructed as strong. Political practice, with the exception of periods of cohabitation, has indicated that most prime ministers have been overshadowed by mostly powerful heads of state. For that reason, it is necessary to analyze the political practice of all eight presidential governments. A review of the already long political life that has lasted since 1958. points to the conclusion that in its longest period, presidents of the Republic dominated the public political scene. The Prime Minister has a more pronounced role in the executive branch during cohabitation periods. However, nine years in three cohabitations cannot change the central conclusion of this paper that the dominant political practice of the Fifth Republic has led to the Prime Minister being essentially in the shadow of the head of state.


Author(s):  
Ian Hall

This chapter examines the life and political career of Narendra Modi, from his origins in Gujarat to his time with the Hindu nationalist organisation, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), and his move into politics, first as a backroom figure and then as a politician. It explores too his time as Gujarat Chief Minister, from 2001 to 2014, and the political style he evolved to manage that state. It looks at Modi’s relationship with the Hindu nationalist tradition and the development of his version of Hindutva, which some term Moditva (Modi-ness). Finally, it lays out Modi’s rise to national prominence and his leadership methods as Prime Minister.


Author(s):  
Fabio Ratto Trabucco

La Macedonia del Nord è un caso peculiare all’interno dell’ex Jugoslavia e nel processo di adesione all’UE per le ben note implicazioni geopolitiche: la minoranza albanese e la denominazione, ambedue solo recentemente superati. Emerge tuttavia un sistema di governo semipresidenziale non dissimile da quello degli altri Paesi dell’Europa centro-orientale, che, trascendendo il classico modello di Duverger, si connota per una predominanza della centralità parlamentare opposta al Capo dello Stato senza significativi poteri costituzionali. Solo un Presidente con una forte personalità sembra essere in grado di influenzare l’azione di governo, attraverso il suo potere di magistrato di influenza e persuasione. D’altro canto, il decennio del Primo Ministro nazionalista Gruevski è stato caratterizzato dall’autoritarismo con un regime ibrido ovvero democrazia illiberale. Pertanto, le condizioni politiche, istituzionali, storiche e interetniche del Paese non favorirono l’evoluzione del sistema semipresidenziale verso un modello a “Presidente forte”. Northern Macedonia is a typical example of instability within the former Yugoslavia due to the well-known geopolitical implications: the Albanian minority and the denomination, both of which have only recently been overcome. However, a semi-presidential system of government emerges that is not dissimilar from other Central-Eastern European countries, which, transcending the classic Duverger model, is characterized by a predominance of parliamentary centrality opposed to the Head of State without significant constitutional powers. Only a President with a strong personality appears to be able to influence government action, through his power as a magistrate of influence and persuasion. Otherwise, the nationalist Gruevski’s Prime Minister decade was characterized by authoritarianism with a hybrid regime or an illiberal democracy. Thus, the political, institutional, historical and interethnic conditions of the country did not, therefore, favor the evolution of the semi-presidential system towards a “strong President” model.


Author(s):  
Patricia O'Brien

Examining the chain of events of 1926, this chapter sets the scene for the dramatic shift in the political situation that took place in late 1926. It tracks the friendly relations between Richardson and Ta’isi whilst Ta’isi was absent from Sāmoa for many months in 1926, spending an extended period in Sydney being treated for an unspecified illness. It also outlines the political ferment in Sydney at this time around race and empire that Ta’isi would have been exposed to and how this connected with reports Ta’isi was receiving in Sydney of Richardson’s increasingly authoritarian governing style. It concludes with Richardson’s effusive speech welcoming Ta’isi back to Sāmoa, Richardson’s secret communications with a New Zealand official where he learnt that Ta’isi had raised concerns about his governing style with the New Zealand prime minister and the public meetings in late 1926 where three Sāmoan communities – Europeans, afakasis, Sāmoans – came together to politically organize. These meetings, chaired by Ta’isi, would become watershed moments.


Afrika Focus ◽  
2014 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Elisée Tikonimbé Koupokpa

As it is the case for most of the African countries, Togo is looking for a constitutional system that ts its political, social and cultural realities. The 1990s were considered as a period of democratic revival, and from those years onwards the constitutional organization was directed towards a parliamentary type of regime which was rightfully or wrongfully seen as an instrument whereby the head of state's powers were limited. However, the unfortunate result of this kinds of organization of the political powers leads to another constitutional system which is more likely to be presidential. Key words: political regime, parliamentary Regime, presidential regime, head of state, president of the republic, prime minister, counterbalance 


Afrika Focus ◽  
2000 ◽  
Vol 16 (1-2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Dirk Beke

Shortly after the independence of the Congo, the political crisis engendered by the conflict between President Kasavubu and Prime Minister Lumumba was accompanied by a serious constitutional crisis. The first Congolese constitution was almost a complete imitation of the Belgian constitution. It established a parliamentary regime with a politically accountable Prime Minister and a non-accountable President as Head of State. The confusing rubric that 'The Head of State appoints and dismisses the Prime Minister' was quickly misused by national and international opponents of Lumumba to persuade Kasavubu to remove him from power. A full and contextual analysis of the constitution, however, shows that dismissal is linked to several other formal procedures and political conditions. Every presidential decision, including the dismissal of the Prime Minister and of Ministers, has to be countersigned by a Minister. Furthermore, it can be deduced clearly from the whole constitutional model that dismissal of the Prime Minister can only take place when the government has been outvoted in parliament. The conclusion is that, in contradiction to the contrived interpretations of some advisers and Belgian jurists, the deposition of Lumumba was unconstitutional. At any rate, Kasavubu's unconstitutional act seriously damaged Lumumba's political position and placed him in a difficult situation of legal defence against it.KEY WORDS : Congo, Constitution, Lumumba, Politics 


Oh Capitano! ◽  
2018 ◽  
pp. 79-94
Author(s):  
Rudolph J. Vecoli ◽  
Francesco Durante

This chapter examines Celso Cesare Moreno's role in the political crisis that culminated in the overthrow of the Kingdom of Hawaii. It first provides a background on the history of the Kingdom of Hawaii and describes its political situation upon Moreno's arrival in 1879. It then considers Moreno's alliance with David Kalākaua, king of Hawaii, and how the animosity between Moreno and the American ambassador, James M. Comly, helped precipitate a political upheaval in the kingdom. It also discusses Moreno's attempt to secure a subsidy from the Kingdom for his steamship line, the China Merchants Steam Navigation Company (CMSNC), before concluding with an analysis of the constitutional crisis that erupted in 1880 after Kalākaua suspended the legislature, formed a new cabinet, and appointed Moreno prime minister and minister of foreign affairs.


2021 ◽  
pp. 71-87
Author(s):  
Liubov Prokopenko

The article shows the development of the political career of the ex-president of Botswana Ian Khama, a son of the country’s first president Seretse Khama. The article analyzes domestic and foreign policy of the government of the Botswana Democratic Party (BDP) headed by Mr. Ian Khama, whose first term in office coincided with difficulties of the global economic crisis that began in 2008. It is noted that during Mr. Khama’s presidency the West-oriented foreign policy of Botswana was well-balanced, pragmatic and aimed at attracting investments. It was rather bold and independent, which was largely due to the independence of Botswana, a major exporter of diamonds to the world market, as regards donors’ assistance. At the African level Mr. Khama’s image has been that of a consistent critic of authoritarian and despotic regimes, he also adhered to a consistent firm position regarding the political and economic crisis in Zimbabwe, calling on Robert Mugabe to transfer power. Mr. Khama is an extraordinary political leader. The style and methods of his leadership (harsh bureaucratic methods, frequent decision-making without coordination with the government, disdain of opposition’s criticism and of public opinion) led to accusations of authoritarianism. The author makes an attempt to define its nature which was somewhat different from the authoritarianism of other African leaders. The issue of corruption and nepotism in Botswana is also discussed. During the ten-year period of Mr. Khama’s rule (2008–2018), the problem of nepotism was especially often the focus of the criticism by the local opposition and media. This had a negative effect for the president’s political image and for that of the authorities in general. At the same time, Mr. Khama’s government managed to maintain stability of the economics and of the internal political situation. The properties of the situation in the Botswana Democratic Party, which has ruled the country for almost 55 years and still holds a central position in the country’s political landscape, are shown. Despite a number of mistakes in governing the country, President Ian Khama managed to preserve and strengthen the authority of Botswana in the eyes of the international community for its commitment to the international law, its respect for human rights, good governance and active foreign policy. It is pointed out that Mr. Khama, respecting the Constitution, peacefully transferred power to the country’s vice-president Mokgweetsi Masisi whom he chose as his successor. However, a conflict arose between them very soon, and their confrontation led the ex-president to supporting the opposition at the general elections in October 2019. The events of recent years in Botswana serve an important evidence of the problematic issue – insecurity of democracy in the context of a long dominance of one political party. The unexpected emergence of Khama-Masisi confrontation questioned to a certain extent the tradition of early power transfer from the head of state to the vice-president which established in the country in recent decades. However, this confrontation did not go beyond the framework of the electoral struggle and did not lead to serious tension in the internal political situation.


Afrika Focus ◽  
2000 ◽  
Vol 16 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 61-69
Author(s):  
Dirk Beke

The Deposition of Lumumba by Kasavubu, some Constitutional Considerations Shortly after the independence of the Congo, the political crisis engendered by the conflict between President Kasavubu and Prime Minister Lumumba was accompanied by a serious constitutional crisis. The first Congolese constitution was almost a complete imitation of the Belgian constitution. It established a parliamentary regime with a politically accountable Prime Minister and a non-accountable President as Head of State. The confusing rubric that ‘The Head of State appoints and dismisses the Prime Minister’ was quickly misused by national and international opponents of Lumumba to persuade Kasavubu to remove him from power. A full and contextual analysis of the constitution, however, shows that dismissal is linked to several other formal procedures and political conditions. Every presidential decision, including the dismissal of the Prime Minister and of Ministers, has to be countersigned by a Minister. Furthermore, it can be deduced clearly from the whole constitutional model that dismissal of the Prime Minister can only take place when the government has been outvoted in parliament. The conclusion is that, in contradiction to the contrived interpretations of some advisers and Belgian jurists, the deposition of Lumumba was unconstitutional. At any rate, Kasavubu’s unconstitutional act seriously damaged Lumumba’s political position and placed him in a difficult situation of legal defence against it.


Author(s):  
R. T. Ganiev

The  article  studies  the  events  of  the  military  confrontation  between the Shibi Qaghan and Sui Dynasty in 609 – 615 AD. It shows the political situation in China whose deterioration led to the political upheaval in 617 AD and the young Tang Dynasty came to power. By the end of the Sui Dynasty period there were more than 200 organized armed gangs that were tearing the empire apart and often found support from the Turks. In 615 AD the Turks also surrounded Emperor Sui Yangdi in the fortress of Yanmen and thereby put an end to his political career. At the beginning of VII century the Eastern Turk Empire had a great military and political influence in Central Asia and posed a threat to its neighbors. Along with the separatists who  opposed  the  Sui  Dynasty,  the  military  governor  Taiyuan  Li  Yuan  sought the assistance of the Turks. He formed an alliance with them, and the Turks supported his nomination as the new ruler of China. Thus, in the events of 609 – 617 AD the Eastern Turks played a key role, and contributed to the deterioration of the situation at the end of the Sui Dynasty as well as to the ascent to power of the future first emperor of the new Tang Dynasty, Li Yuan. 


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