scholarly journals Military intervention in brazil: pinnacle, disruption and decline

Author(s):  
José Cimar Rodrigues Pinto

Brazil until the establishment of the Civil and Military Regime of March 31, 1964 coexisted with military coups, which ravaged the entire republican period and contributed to corrupt any democratic pretension of the nation. This article aims to examine the process that would have sought to withdraw the armed segment from political activity after that date, by means of an analysis of the course of political and strategic actions that led to a rupture with the previous paradigm and changes in civil and military relations and in the Brazilian democracy. In the theoretical and methodological framework, the argumentation, based on a hypothetical deductive approach, was supported by a dialectical path assumption, taking as a starting point the Moderator Model of Alfred Stepan, to which put an opposing configuration structure, so called Enframement Antimodel, which supposedly would result in a form of very close relationship with that proposed by Samuel Phillips Huntington, named Civilian Objective Control. As a result, the study concludes by confirming the hypothesis of the work and, also, that the interference of the military rulers, besides restoring the lines of obedience, had provided the possibility of a change in the direction of the Brazilian democracy, in the sense its political development would be free from armed guardianship.

2021 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 63
Author(s):  
Maria Caramez Carlotto ◽  
Sylvia Gemignani Garcia

Na literatura contemporânea sobre as transformações do ensino superior existe um forte consenso de que a expansão do saber gerencial foi um dos principais fatores que alterou sua dinâmica e organização interna. No caso do Brasil, são muitos os trabalhos que, seguindo essa percepção geral, apontam a estreita relação existente entre as políticas ditas “neoliberais” implementadas a partir da década de 1980, e a modernização gerencial difundida no país a partir de acordos de cooperação com os EUA durante os anos 1950 e 1960. No entanto, esses trabalhos, de modo geral, falham ao não conseguir mostrar, empiricamente, como se dá a relação entre esses dois momentos da história das políticas educacionais do país. O objetivo do presente trabalho é contribuir para a compreensão dessa relação a partir da análise de Yves Dezalay e Brynat Garth sobre o modo pelo qual a América Latina funcionou, nos anos 1950 e 1960, enquanto um “terreno de experimentação” de políticas que viriam a se difundir mundialmente nos anos 1980 e 1990. Para tanto, tomamos como objeto o Conselho de Reitores de Universidades Brasileiras (CRUB), no período que vai de 1966, ano da sua criação, até 1985, ano que marca o fim do regime militar, analisando tanto o conjunto de acordos internacionais então firmados pelo CRUB, quanto o resumo das suas principais atividades, e o perfil da sua diretoria executiva no período analisado.ABSTRACT In the contemporary literature on the transformations of higher education there is a strong consensus that the expansion of managerial knowledge was one of the main factors that altered its dynamics and internal organization. In the case of Brazil, there are many studies that, following this general perception, point to the close relationship between the so-called “neoliberal” policies implemented since the 1980s and the managerial modernization diffused in the country through cooperation agreements with the USA during the 1950s and 1960s. However, these works generally fail to show the relationship between these two moments in the history of educational policies in the country empirically. The objective of the present work is to contribute to the understanding of this relationship using, as a starting point, the analysis of Yves Dezalay and Brynat Garth on how Latin America functioned in the 1950s and 1960s as a “laboratory” of policies that would begin to spread worldwide in the 80s and 90s. To this end, we investigate the Council of Rectors of Brazilian Universities (CRUB) in the period from 1966, the year of its creation, until 1985, the year that marks the end of the military regime, analyzing both the set of international agreements signed by the CRUB during the period as well as the summary of its main activities and the profile of its executive board in this period of time.


2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 607-621
Author(s):  
Maria I. Makhmutova ◽  

This article is devoted to the study of domestic political development of Mauritania during the ten years President Mohammed Ould Abdel Aziz’s reign (2009–2019). The author focuses on the main challenges to the regime supported by the military junta, as well as on the key reasons for its preservation, despite the presence of sharp contradictions within the state. The army, entrenched in power structures, had to face such problems as terrorism from Al-Qaeda, the Arab spring, and the assassination attempt on the president. At the same time, the country’s authorities were able to address these problems through a tough fight against extremism. One cannot fail to note the introduction of the practice of expanding the circle of parties loyal to the president and the national dialogue with the opposition, which not only contributed to the legitimization of Abdel Aziz’s personality, but also continued his political activity. This occurred while most regimes in the Arab East either fell or were faced with lengthy civil wars. In addition, the author notes that the elections and referendum, as elements of democracy, have been used more than once by Abdel Aziz to advance his interests, despite protests and criticism from opposition parties. In fact, in 2017, the country’s leadership was able to rewrite the constitution for itself and subjugate the legislative and judicial branches of the government. It is worth stating that Abdel Aziz became the first head of state who, in the entire modern history of Mauritania, was able to ensure a peaceful transfer of power after the end of the second presidential term. This decision did not force citizens to experience another coup d’état and political instability. In general, the author comes to the conclusion that the rule of Abdel Aziz had two main features: the desire to retain all the levers of power and, if political instability is brewing, to initiate negotiations with the opposition. These contradictions were not resolved, and the pendulum constantly swung depending on the domestic political background in the country.


Author(s):  
Michael A. Robinson ◽  
Lindsay P. Cohn ◽  
Max Z. Margulies

The architecture of objective control has informed a great deal of the development of civil-military norms and the professional education of military officer corps, particularly in the democratic West. But while this idealized vision of civil-military relations has been influential, it is incomplete in its accounting of the moral, ethical, legal, and political structures surrounding the military service member. In practical terms, it is not a simple task to divide problems into purely military and purely political aspects, nor is it easy to determine how to reconcile conflicting imperatives. This chapter attempts to provide a comprehensive typology of the various loyalty structures within which military personnel are located and the various ways in which these structures can conflict. It discusses how democratic theory and classical principal-agent models may prescribe different outcomes for such conflicts and provide a granular understanding of the sources of civil-military friction.


Author(s):  
Risa Brooks

Samuel Huntington’s objective control model of civil-military relations has had profound effects on contemporary norms of military professionalism. Huntington anticipated that objective control, premised on a clearly defined division of responsibility between the military and civilians, would create an apolitical ethos among officers. The military’s apolitical character then would ensure its deference to civilian authority and reinforce its professional character. The approach would also enable the military to cultivate expertise in the “management of violence” and guarantee its effectiveness in armed conflict. Those norms, however, are more complex than is sometimes appreciated. They exhibit four paradoxes, producing the very behaviors and outcomes they aim to prevent: they can promote actions and mindsets within the officer corps that work to facilitate political behavior, subvert civilian control of military activity, compromise strategic effectiveness, and even undermine some aspects of military professionalism itself.


Author(s):  
Lionel Beehner ◽  
Daniel Maurer

The introduction launches the arguments presented and outlines the intentions of the chapters in this book. The chapters ask a number of questions about the study and practice of contemporary American civil-military relations. First, they examine the military’s role in civil-military relations, focusing specifically on prevailing norms of professionalism and those that limit the military’s political activity. Second, the chapters explore the civilian side of the civil-military equation. Third, they investigate the relationship between society and the military, examining societal attitudes toward the military by focusing on how trends in partisanship and polarization are challenging civil-military relations. The fourth and final theme of this volume examines similar challenges in civil-military relations arising from the changing character of war and armed conflict.


Author(s):  
Nina Wilén ◽  
Lisa Strömbom

Abstract What roles are military institutions expected to play in today's rapidly changing security environment? How are they supposed to interact with the society they are tasked to protect? These questions have been posed by classical military sociologists as well as by a newer generation of scholars. Yet so far, a comprehensive mapping of the military's potential roles in contemporary society is missing. In this article we contribute to an update of this debate by providing a categorisation of the different roles and tasks that the military institution plays in current industrialised democratic states. We identify three core roles, each divided into subroles, by drawing on an extensive reading of 70 National White Papers and Security Strategies from 37 OECD member states: (collective) defence, collective security, and aid to the nation. We analyse how these roles and tasks influence recent configurations in civil-military relations. This study thereby contributes with: (1) a useful illustration of the military's shifting roles and tasks in contemporary society; (2) increased understandings of how the different roles impact civil-military relations and related to this; and (3) a practical starting point for further analyses of the military organisation's internal challenges related to its, at times, contradictory roles.


2021 ◽  
pp. 0095327X2098855
Author(s):  
Damon Coletta ◽  
Thomas Crosbie

Suzanne Nielsen and Hugh Liebert recently published “The Continuing Relevance of Morris Janowitz’s The Professional Soldier for the Education of Officers” in which they argued that officer education is too enamored with Samuel Huntington’s aging theory of civil–military relations from Soldier and the State. Huntington’s ideal of objective control grants senior military advisors autonomy within their professional sphere, and it best ensures that unvarnished military expertise survives politically charged national security decision making processes intact, regardless of which party controls the White House. While these features explain Huntington’s traditional popularity with the military, Nielsen and Liebert warn that Huntington’s separation between military and civilian matters in theory engenders wishful thinking in practice, so much so that officers neglect, to the detriment of national policy, Morris Janowitz, Huntington’s cofounder of the modern study of civil–military relations. However, the civil–military community should reconsider banishing Huntington in order to appreciate Janowitz.


Author(s):  
Timur Gimadeev

The article deals with the history of celebrating the Liberation Day in Czechoslovakia organised by the state. Various aspects of the history of the holiday have been considered with the extensive use of audiovisual documents (materials from Czechoslovak newsreels and TV archives), which allowed for a detailed analysis of the propaganda representation of the holiday. As a result, it has been possible to identify the main stages of the historical evolution of the celebrations of Liberation Day, to discover the close interdependence between these stages and the country’s political development. The establishment of the holiday itself — its concept and the military parade as the main ritual — took place in the first post-war years, simultaneously with the consolidation of the Communist regime in Czechoslovakia. Later, until the end of the 1960s, the celebrations gradually evolved along the political regime, acquiring new ritual forms (ceremonial meetings, and “guards of memory”). In 1968, at the same time as there was an attempt to rethink the entire socialist regime and the historical experience connected with it, an attempt was made to reconstruct Liberation Day. However, political “normalisation” led to the normalisation of the celebration itself, which played an important role in legitimising the Soviet presence in the country. At this stage, the role of ceremonial meetings and “guards of memory” increased, while inventions released in time for 9 May appeared and “May TV” was specially produced. The fall of the Communist regime in 1989 led to the fall of the concept of Liberation Day on 9 May, resulting in changes of the title, date and paradigm of the holiday, which became Victory Day and has been since celebrated on 8 May.


Author(s):  
Tughral Yamin

The importance of civil military relations assumes seminal importance in ensuring the success of all phases of a counter insurgency campaign. In the true tradition of the Clausewitzian dictum that war is the continuation of policy and vice versa; Pakistan Army has been employed as a matter of policy in counter insurgency operations in the erstwhile tribal areas. They have also been used in the stabilization operations to bring about normality in the insurgency ridden areas. In fact the employment of Pakistan Army in the stabilization process defies any previous example in any other country. In all phases of the conflict cycle, the military has worked hand in glove with its civilian counterparts. The civil-military coordination (CIMIC) in the insurgency ridden areas has taken place within the framework of the established ground rules of an organized counter insurgency campaign. It would not be unfair to say that the return to normality in the erstwhile FATA has only been possible because of a well-knit CIMIC architecture. This paper briefly explicates the salient points of the CIMIC aspect of the counter and post-insurgency part of the operations in the conflict zones and highlights the importance of this aspect of dealing with insurgencies.


2021 ◽  
pp. 0095327X2199622
Author(s):  
Sergio Catignani ◽  
Nir Gazit ◽  
Eyal Ben-Ari

This Armed Forces & Society forum is dedicated to exploring recent trends in the characteristics of military reserves and of the changing character of reserve forces within the armed forces within the military, the civilian sphere, and in between them. To bring new and critical perspectives to the study of reserve forces and civil–military relations, this introduction and the five articles that follow draw on two organizing conceptual models: The first portrays reservists as transmigrants and focuses on the plural membership of reservists in the military and in civilian society and the “travel” between them. The second model focuses on the multiple formal and informal compacts (contracts, agreements, or pacts) between reservists and the military.


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