State-run celebration of Liberation Day in Czechoslovakia (based on audiovisual sources)

Author(s):  
Timur Gimadeev

The article deals with the history of celebrating the Liberation Day in Czechoslovakia organised by the state. Various aspects of the history of the holiday have been considered with the extensive use of audiovisual documents (materials from Czechoslovak newsreels and TV archives), which allowed for a detailed analysis of the propaganda representation of the holiday. As a result, it has been possible to identify the main stages of the historical evolution of the celebrations of Liberation Day, to discover the close interdependence between these stages and the country’s political development. The establishment of the holiday itself — its concept and the military parade as the main ritual — took place in the first post-war years, simultaneously with the consolidation of the Communist regime in Czechoslovakia. Later, until the end of the 1960s, the celebrations gradually evolved along the political regime, acquiring new ritual forms (ceremonial meetings, and “guards of memory”). In 1968, at the same time as there was an attempt to rethink the entire socialist regime and the historical experience connected with it, an attempt was made to reconstruct Liberation Day. However, political “normalisation” led to the normalisation of the celebration itself, which played an important role in legitimising the Soviet presence in the country. At this stage, the role of ceremonial meetings and “guards of memory” increased, while inventions released in time for 9 May appeared and “May TV” was specially produced. The fall of the Communist regime in 1989 led to the fall of the concept of Liberation Day on 9 May, resulting in changes of the title, date and paradigm of the holiday, which became Victory Day and has been since celebrated on 8 May.

2020 ◽  
Vol V (IV) ◽  
pp. 41-48
Author(s):  
Kausar Shafiq ◽  
Abdul Basit Khan ◽  
Ali Shan Shah

The denial of the institutionalization of political power by various civilian as well as martial law regimes has been a constant problem in Pakistan. Muhammad Ali Jinnah was the first person who could do so in an effective manner, but his eternal departure in the early phase of the history of Pakistan changed the entire course of the country, and the successor leadership had to pursue self-serving politics just to prolong their rule. The same is the case with the rule of General Pervaiz Musharraf (1999-2008), which converted the parliamentary system envisaged by the 1973 constitution of Pakistan into a quasi-presidential system just to prolong the military dictatorship. The subsequent rule of the Pakistan Peoples' Party (2008-2013) was a tough period for the political leadership since the preceding dictatorship had completely altered the socio-political landscape of the country; however, the political wisdom of Mr. Asif Ali Zardari helped the country to sail smoothly during the aftershocks of the martial law regime. In that perspective, the current study intends to analyze the political developments in Pakistan during the third rule of the Pakistan Peoples' Party over the country during the period 2008-2013.


1970 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 539-564
Author(s):  
Stephen L. Rozman

The following description and analysis of the role of the military in the Peruvian political system and its development from independence to the most recent military supplanting of a civilian government in 1968 should serve a twofold purpose: first, to provide information necessary to the understanding of Peruvian political development; and second, to manifest the claims and demands of a politically relevant (institutional) interest group and its manner of satisfying them. During the course of this article, it should become evident to the reader that it would be impossible to offer even the most general history of Peruvian political development without giving considerable attention to the role of both military personalities and the military as an institution.It is the author's contention that the evolution of the Peruvian military's political role may be divided into nine phases, each with significance for the country's political system.


2018 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 135-151
Author(s):  
Risma Widiawati

Bone Regency as part of South Sulawesi is a very interesting area to discuss. This area is not only part of the history of South Sulawesi, but also a historical flow of South Sulawesi. the existence of nobles who are so attached to the joints of the lives of the people of Bone is still interesting to be examined to this day. Based on this, the article aims to reveal the role of Bone nobility in the swapraja government system to the regency (1950 - 1960). The political development of the government during this period was seen as sufficiently influencing the political dynamics of the government in Bone Regency which continued even today. The method used is the method of historical research with four stages, namely, heuristics, criticism (history), interpretation, and presentation (historiography). The results of the study show that after the transition from swapraja to regency, the role of nobility is still very calculated. But it is no longer like in the period before the transition, where the government was ruled by the king / aristocracy. At this time the level of intelligence is also taken into account. Apart from the fact that the structure of the government is indeed different because the process of appointing head of government is also different. But in general the role of nobility after the transition was not much different, where there were still many nobles holding power. ABSTRAK Kabupaten Bone sebagai bahagian dari Sulawesi Selatan merupakan suatu daerah yang sangat menarik untuk dibicarakan. Daerah ini bukan saja merupakan bagian dari sejarah Sulawesi Selatan, tetapi juga merupakan arus sejarah Sulawesi Selatan. keberadaan bangsawan yang begitu melekat di dalam sendi kehidupan masyarakat Bone masih menarik untuk ditelisik sampai hari ini. Berdasarkan hal tersebut, maka artikel ini bertujuan untuk mengungkapkan tentang peranan bangsawan Bone dalam sistem pemerintahan swapraja ke kabupaten (1950 – 1960). Perkembangan politik dari pemerintahan selama periode ini dipandang cukup mempengaruhi dinamika politik dari pemerintahan di Kabupaten Bone yang berlangsung bahkan sampai sekarang. Metode yang digunakan adalah adalah metode penelitian sejarah dengan empat tahapan yaitu, heuristik, kritik (sejarah), intrepretasi, dan penyajian (historiografi). Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa setelah peralihan dari swapraja ke kabupaten, peranan bangsawan masih sangat diperhitungkan. Namun tidak lagi seperti pada masa sebelum peralihan, di mana pemerintahan dikuasai oleh raja/aristokrasi. Pada masa ini tingkat kecerdasan juga diperhitungkan. Selain karena struktur pemerintahannya memang berbeda juga karena proses pengangkatan kepala pemerintahan juga berbeda. Namun secara umum peran bangsawan setelah masa peralihan tidak jauh berbeda, di mana masih banyak bangsawan yang memegang kekuasaan.


2018 ◽  
Vol 222 (1) ◽  
pp. 253-268
Author(s):  
Dr. Mohamed Abdullah Kaka Sur

Occupation of Britain has had a significant impact on the history of Iraq. Even after the establishment of the Iraqi state in 1921 and the effects of this occupation existed. On this basis, one of the historians used the term Iraq - British royal rule in the period. So, important to know what are the historical factors which led to Britain occupy Iraq, beyond the historical trend of the state and the fundamental changes which led to the establishment of the Iraqi state. In this study, entitled (the historical reasons for the occupation of Iraq, Britain to study the political development between the years 1917 to 1920). Which ensures the number of vertical axes, the first axis looking for strategic importance of Iraq and the situation in Iraq under the leadership of the Ottoman Empire. The second axis tells Britain's occupation of Iraq, the third axis either looking for agreements made between Iraq and Britain the first, second and third.The fourth axis looking for challenging the Iraqis against the British occupation and private revolted in 1920, including the role of the Kurds in this revolution. In fact, with the reasons for strategic and economic, historical factors have had an important role in the occupation of Iraq with the causes and factors which mentioned were overlapping, Baghdad was the capital of Iraq through the stories of One Thousand and One Nights was written in the West and known Babylon was one of the oldest cities, which have been mentioned in Holy book by the West, so intertwined historical importance Wares in the cause of Britain's occupation of Iraq


Author(s):  
Akhmadjon Kholikulov ◽  
◽  
Ozodbek Nematovich Nematov ◽  

Information on political relations between the government of the Emirate of Bukhara and the principalities of the Kashkadarya oasis in the early XIX-XX centuries is reflected in the works of local historians and Russian tourists, diplomats, the military. Local historians such as Muhammad Mirolim Bukhari, Muhammad Siddiq, Mirzo Abdulazim Somi, Mushrif Bukhari, Ahmad Donish, Mirzo Salimbek, who lived and worked during this period, were government officials and dedicated their works to the reigns of the Mangit emirs.


2012 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-28
Author(s):  
Martin Kuna

AbstractAn interview with Evžen Neustupný opens up a range of issues regarding the theory and history of archaeology and its development in Central Europe. His view of the discipline differs in many ways from that of current global trends. His ‘artefact archaeology’ inverts the concept of adaptation and highlights the role of artefacts in the creation of the human world. The interview also shows that post-war archaeology even to the east of the Iron Curtain followed the trajectory from culture-history paradigm to processualism and onwards. It also testifies to the situation in the social sciences under the Communist regime and the ambiguous role of Marxist philosophy.


1975 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 343-384 ◽  
Author(s):  
Roy M. MacLeod

In recent years there has been a continuing effort to place the history of scientific activity in Europe firmly in the political, economic and social contexts in which ideas and institutions have developed. Hitherto, however, comparatively little attention has been paid to the development of scientific institutions in the European colonial empires, or to the role of scientific activity in the commercial exploitation, civil government, or political development of individual countries.


Author(s):  
Andrey Andreev

The article deals with the intermediate results of the use of a set of Russian political strategies and technologies in the Ukrainian direction of Foreign Policy since Ukraine gained independence. The research takes into account the peculiarities of the political development of Ukraine. The research objective was to identify the prerequisites, characteristics, and consequences of the Ukrainian political crisis at the turn of 2013–2014 and the resulting political regime and order. A systematic approach and comparative analysis made it possible to formulate a general assessment of the political situation in Ukraine following the so-called "the Revolution of Dignity". On the basis of formal-logical analysis, the author substantiated the need for a comprehensive audit of the amount of Russian technologies through the application of system analysis to certain political circumstances. The author substantiated the increasing role of political technologies of pro-active character in the situation of deep crisis of previously effective political institutions, mechanisms, and norms. The resonant nature of such technologies made it possible to link the latter with the political reflection on the place and role of Ukraine in the system of Russian Foreign Policy, as well as on the peculiarities of the Ukrainian political process and the nature of its political system. The author generalized the experience of Russian influence on the mentioned Ukrainian events and defined the general conditions that can allow Russia to affect a changeable political situation in the post-Soviet countries, taking into account the inconsistency of modern political trends. The scope of the results can be used in the spheres of foreign policy, public administration, and public policy.


1973 ◽  
Vol 15 (3) ◽  
pp. 355-362 ◽  
Author(s):  
Abraham F. Lowenthal

Several years ago, in a general essay on Dominican politics, I wrote a few pages about the political role of the Dominican Armed Forces. I argued that “the history of the past few years in the Dominican Republic may best be viewed as a constant struggle among changing alliances, not in terms of confrontation between civilian authority and the military establishment” (Lowenthal, 1969: 40). I suggested that “far from being a professional institution dedicated to certain principles that impel its occasional entry into politics, the Dominican Armed Forces have never had any significant function beyond politics, except for plunder” (Lowenthal, 1969: 40). Painting a picture of constant struggle within the Dominican Armed Forces, for power and a chance at the spoils, I played down the importance, for understanding the political role of Dominican military officers, of institutional and ideological considerations.


1961 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 82-92 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lucian W. Pye

Only a few years ago it was generally assumed that the future of the newly emergent states would be determined largely by the activities of their Westernized intellectuals, their socialistically inclined bureaucrats, their nationalist ruling parties, and possibly their menacing communist parties. It occurred to few students of the underdeveloped regions that the military might become the critical group in shaping the course of nation-building. Now that the military has become the key decision-making element in at least eight of the Afro-Asian countries, we are confronted with the awkward fact that there has been almost no scholarly research on the role of the military in the political development of the new states.


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