Book Reviews

2008 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 115-137
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Middle East ◽  
Critical Analysis ◽  
Life Review ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Present Review ◽  
Holy Land ◽  
Policy Review ◽  
The Military

Meron Benvenisti, Son of the Cypresses: Memories and Regrets from a Political Life Review by Ruth AmirGadi Ben Ezer, The Migration Journey: The Ethiopian Jewish Exodus Review by Marian ReiffUri Bialer, Cross on the Star of David: The Christian Word in Israel’s Foreign Policy—1967 Review by Neville LamdanJakob Feldt, The Israeli Memory Struggle: History and Identity in the Age of Globalization Review by Uri RamEsther Fuchs, ed., Israeli Women’s Studies: A Reader Review by Harriet HartmanDavid Hulme, Identity, Ideology and the Future of Jerusalem Review by Ned LazarusEdy Kaufman, Walid Salem, and Juliette Verhoeven, eds., Bridging the Divide: Peacebuilding in the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict Review by Sarah E. YerkesZeev Maoz, Defending the Holy Land: A Critical Analysis of Israel’s Security and Foreign Policy Review by Brent E. SasleyMichael B. Oren, Power, Faith and Fantasy—America in the Middle East, 1776 to the Present Review by Zvi Ra’ananYoram Peri, Generals in the Cabinet Room: How the Military Shapes Israeli Policy Review by David Tal

Imran Khan is likely to become Pakistan prime minister

2018 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Saudi Arabia ◽  
Middle East ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Donald Trump ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Main Challenge ◽  
To Come ◽  
The Military

Significance The Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N)’s five-year term ended on May 31. PML-N President Shehbaz Sharif faces a tough fight to become prime minister, with the main challenge set to come from Imran Khan’s Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) and further opposition provided by Bilawal Bhutto Zardari’s Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP). Impacts With Khan as prime minister, the military would likely have free rein to pursue an anti-India foreign policy. Khan would step up his criticisms of the war in Afghanistan and likely have a difficult relationship with US President Donald Trump. Pakistan under any government will pursue balanced diplomacy in the Middle East, seeking good ties with both Saudi Arabia and Iran.

scholarly journals THE FIRST CRUSADERS’ PERCEPTİON OF ARABS – MUSLIMS ON THE EXAMPLE OF THE AUTHOR OF “GESTA FRANCORUM”

2020 ◽  
pp. 53-55
Author(s):  
A. Perekhrest
Keyword(s):  
Middle East ◽  
Middle Ages ◽  
Western Europe ◽  
Negative Attitude ◽  
Political Life ◽  
First Crusade ◽  
Political Processes ◽  
The Rich ◽  
The Difference ◽  
The Military

The article examines the concept of the author of the chronicle “Gesta Francorum”, which describes the events of the first crusade, about the Arabs. The author of the article defined how Anonymous perceived Islam and how Christianity influenced his attitude towards Muslims. The study exposed the limited knowledge of the author of "Gesta Francorum" about the basics of Islam. The analysis revealed the low level of awareness of Anonymous about the difference between different peoples who professed Islam. Also, it was investigated towards which of them the author of "Gesta Francorum" had the most negative attitude. The author of the article determined Anonymous’s opinion on the military potential of the Arabs and the differences between the military tactics of the Muslim armies and the Crusaders. The Crusader's knowledge of the state and political system of the Middle East was clarified. Anonymous had some knowledge of political processes in the Middle East, but to describe the reality of the political life of Muslim states, he used Western terms, which in their content did not correspond to reality. The analysis revealed Anonymous's attitude to the rich, by the standards of medieval Western Europe, the standard of living in the Middle East. Moral characteristics that the author of "Gesta Francorum" gives to the Arabs were determined. Based on this information, the author of the article concluded that Anonymous perceived the Arabs through the prism of common in the Middle Ages ideas about Muslims, but he was able to notice other features that were not part of the established stereotype.

scholarly journals 1960 COUP D’ÉTAT: THE FIRST COUP IN TURKISH REPUBLIC

2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 14-23
Author(s):  
AKHAND SHARIF SURID
Keyword(s):  
Critical Analysis ◽  
Transition To Democracy ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Turkish Republic ◽  
Coup D'etat ◽  
Before And After ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Military ◽  
Republic Of Turkey

On May 27th the Republic of Turkey faced her first full-fledged Military takeover (Coup). As it is said, “A Coup is never just a Coup”. This review article provides a summary of the atmosphere before and after the coup of 1960 and a critical analysis of the democratic promises it brought. This Paper analyzes different terms used to identify the event such as revolution, insurrection, intervention, and coup. It also discusses the tradition of regular military intervention in the history of the Republic of Turkey. Since the transition to democracy and the multiparty system was not natural this paper also indicates the absence of democratic culture in Turkish history.  After 27th May, Turkey was led to the new constitutional structure of 1961. As it is said, the 1924 Constitution that established the first Republic of Turkey was wiped out with a coup and the 1961 Constitution and the Second Republic was established (Dursun, 2005:187). Since then until recent times the military could not separate itself from the political life of Turkey. The following discussions enclose; the origin of the 1960 Coup, the Aftermath, the Conspiracies, the Civilian Military relationship, Traditional and Historical views, Kemalist Principles, Government citizen dialogues, and Socio-economic backwardness. This critical analysis went through different interesting and easily misunderstood concepts (such as Revolt, Revolution, Military takeover, etc.).

scholarly journals Russian Policy in the Mediterranean: Historical Continuity and International Context

2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (4) ◽  
pp. 609-624
Author(s):  
Konstantin P. Kurylev ◽  
Nickolay P. Parkhitko
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Middle East ◽  
Mediterranean Sea ◽  
Eastern Mediterranean ◽  
The United States ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
Main Hypothesis ◽  
Military Presence ◽  
The Mediterranean ◽  
The Military

The article considers the main directions of the Russian Federations foreign policy in the Mediterranean region in the period from 2015 to autumn 2021. The authors present a historical analysis of Russias military presence in the Mediterranean Sea since its first deployment in the 18th century and separately during the Cold War, since the key strategic goals and operational-tactical tasks facing the 5th Soviet Navy operational squadron in those years, as a whole, remained unchanged. Only their scale was adjusted. Three key aspects that determine the need for Russias presence in the Mediterranean are researched. These are the military, political and economic (raw) components that form the determinant of Russian foreign policy in the region. The expansion of the military activity of NATO countries - in particular, the United States, Great Britain and France - in the Mediterranean Sea and the Middle East, especially since the beginning of the civil war in the Syrian Arab Republic in 2011, requires an asymmetric response from Russia in the context of protecting its national interests. As far as geopolitics is concerned, Russias return of at least partial of those Soviet influence in the region also contributes to strengthening our countrys international positions. Finally, Russias presence in a part of the world, which is a natural logistics hub in the context of both world trade and energy supplies, conceptually complements the military-political agenda. The authors use the methods of historical and political analysis and practical systematization in order to formulate the main hypothesis of the study and come to scientific and theoretical conclusions. The main hypothesis is that the expansion of Russias military, political and economic presence in the Mediterranean will be intensified as the countrys economic potential grows. The authors suggest the following order as tools for implementing the strategy: speeding up efforts to ensure the permanent military presence of the Russian Navy in the Mediterranean, deepening bilateral ties with Syria and conducting a pragmatic economic policy towards Turkey, which claims to be an important actor in the Eastern Mediterranean and the Middle East as a whole.

The Soviet Presence in the Middle East in the Context of the Unfolding Cold War: Church Institutions and Actors of Influence in Palestine in 1940–50th

2021 ◽  
pp. 107
Author(s):  
Nadezhda Beliakova
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Middle East ◽  
Russian Federation ◽  
Russian Orthodox ◽  
Orthodox Church ◽  
Holy Land ◽  
State Archive ◽  
Russian Orthodox Church ◽  
Ussr Council ◽  
The Russian Federation

The Soviet diplomacy in the second half of the 1940s included the Russian Orthodox Church and its institutions of international presence in its sphere of activity. At that time the Russian Orthodox Church (ROC) began to play a significant role in the Soviet Union's foreign policy. The Middle Eastern direction becomes one of the most significant areas of “church diplomacy”. The first visit of Patriarch Alexy (Simanskiy) to the Holy Land in 1945 was part of a “package” of diplomatic steps made by Soviet diplomacy in partnership with the Moscow Patriarchate in 1945–1955 to restore the property of the ROC in Palestine. The analysis of the documents on the ROC (State Archive of the Russian Federation, F. R-6991) and the materials on the foreign policy of the USSR Council of Ministers (State Archive of the Russian Federation, F. R-5446), as well as the extensive historiography of historical relations between Russia and the Holy Land, allows the authors to consider joint efforts to consolidate the presence of the ROC in the region. The research allows tracing the “birth of tradition” of foreign policy mission of the Moscow Patriarchate and its foreign structures, which became points of influence of the USSR in the post-war world. It allows one to reconstruct the social image of Moscow's “agents of influence” in the Middle East, both the new emissaries and the traditional agents of Russian influence in the region – the pilgrims and nuns of the Russian monasteries of the Holy Land.

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