La conexión entre política de cohesión y gobernanza económica en la UE: Eficiencia del nuevo marco para abordar las consecuencias de la crisis

2015 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 44-62
Author(s):  
Laura Gómez Urquijo

The objective of this article is to contribute to the discussion on the validity of new instruments to enhance cohesion in the European Union (EU). First, we question to which extent cohesion policy is submitted to the new economic governance. Second, we discuss this subordination affects the fulfillment of cohesion aims. This question is especially relevant due to the increase of inequalities in the current economic crisis and the great diversity among State Members (including social protection systems and expenses). Thus, our starting point is the new economic governance framework and its impact on the fulfillment of cohesion objectives. Statistical data are considered with this aim. Next, we will assess the role of European Structural and Investment Funds to eventually compensate public expense cuts, as well as its subordination to the macroeconomic government. This aspect will be contrasted through the study of Country Specific Recommendations given by the European Semester. Spanish El objetivo de este artículo es contribuir a la discusión sobre la validez de los nuevos instrumentos para fomentar la cohesión en la Unión Europea. Nos preguntamos en qué modo queda sometida la política de cohesión a la nueva gobernanza económica y cómo afecta a la efectividad para cubrir susfines. Esta cuestión es particularmente relevante ante el incremento de las desigualdades suscitado en la crisis económica actual. Por ello, nuestro punto de partida es el nuevo marco de gobernanza económica y su impacto en el cumplimiento de los objetivos de cohesión, considerando para ello datos estadísticos. A continuación, valoraremos, el papel de los Fondos Estructurales y de Inversión Europeos como posibles compensadores de la reducción del gasto público así como su subordinación al gobierno macroeconómico. Esta cuestión será contrastada también a través del examen de las Recomendaciones Específicas por país dadas por el Semestre Europeo. French Le but de cet article est de contribuer à la discussion sur la validité de nouveaux instruments pour promouvoir la cohésion dans l'UE. Nous avons considéré, d'une part, en quoi la politique de cohésion est soumise à la nouvelle gouvernance économique et, d'autre part, la façon dont elle utilise l'efficacité pour répondre à ses fins.Cette question est particulièrement pertinente étant donnée l'augmentation de l'inégalité soulevée par la crise économique actuelle, dans un contexte de grande diversité d'États membres, notamment en ce qui concerne les systèmes de protection sociale et les dépenses publiques. Par conséquent, notre point de départ s'inscrit dans le nouveau cadre de gouvernance économique et son impact sur la mise en œuvre des objectifs de cohésion, à partir de la prise en compte de données statistiques. Pour ce faire, nous évaluons le rôle des Fonds Structurels Européens, leur capacité de compenser la réduction des dépenses publiques et leur subordination au gouvernement macroéconomique. Ce e question sera également abordée par l'examen des recommandations spécifiques par pays fournies par le Semestre Européen.

2018 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 119-131
Author(s):  
Julia Lux

This article will investigate the ‘political crisis’ in France (Amable, 2017) to highlight two aspects often set aside in public and academic discussions: 1) the technocratic, neoliberal character of the European Union (EU) that limits democratic debate about political economic issues and 2) the socio-economic context the parties operate in. Using this perspective, I add to the debate on the inherent theoretical/conceptual tension between representative democracy and populism (Taggart, 2002) by showing how the ‘new economic governance’ increases the democratic problems of the EU by limiting the discursive space. Representative liberal democracy has particularly marginalised anti-capitalism at EU and national level. My analysis shows that the EU's discursive strategies are aligned to those of governing parties and the employers’ association. Left-wing actors and the Front National (FN) oppose the EU's discourse not necessarily for reasons of sovereignty but for political reasons concerning the politico-economic trajectory of France.


2018 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 263-293 ◽  
Author(s):  
MARKUS PATBERG

Abstract:There is a growing sense that if the EU is to avoid disintegration, it needs a constitutional renewal. However, a reform negotiated between executives will hardly revitalise the European project. In light of this, commentators have suggested that the EU needs a democratic refounding on popular initiative. But that is easier said than done. Shaping the EU has been an elite enterprise for decades and it is hard to imagine how things could be otherwise. In this article, I map four public narratives of constituent power in the EU to sketch out potential alternatives. Political actors increasingly call into question the conventional role of the states as the ‘masters of the treaties’ and construct alternative stories as to who should be in charge of EU constitutional politics, how the respective subject came to find itself in that position, and how it should invoke its founding authority in the future. These public narratives represent a promising starting point for a normative theory that outlines a viable and justifiable path for transforming the EU in a bottom-up mode.


2014 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 19-36 ◽  
Author(s):  
Samo Drobne ◽  
Marija Bogataj

Abstract Background: Aging is one of the most serious problems that most developed countries are facing in the 21st century. In the European Union, Member States are responsible for the planning, funding and administration of health care and social protection systems. Local authorities and state governments should undertake research toward developing an appropriate array of community-based care services for old people. Objectives: This study analyses the regions of Slovenia for servicing old people in the 2000-2010 time horizon. Methods/Approach: Sets of functional regions were modelled for each year in the analysed period using the Intramax method. Functional regions were evaluated based on the attractiveness of central places for labour commuters and the propensity to commute between regions. Results: The results show that in addition to the nominally declared regional centres of Slovenia, there are also some other local centres that should be potentially included in the functional areas for servicing old people. Conclusions: The results suggest that the regionalization into seven functional regions is the most convenient for servicing old people in the region. Furthermore, some additional functional regions at a lower level are suggested.


Author(s):  
Aurelio Fernández López

Social protection systems are in a major process of transformation. Solutions from the past are no longer valid, or at least valid without important adaptations, to address future adequacy, sustainability, and quality of social protections systems. Ageing, changes in the world of work and in the evolving aspirations of citizens will impact, even more than today, on the features of the welfare of the future. Supporting a social investment approach in the agenda of modernization to be pursued, which recognize the relevant role to be played by social innovation, will be a key aspect of the reforms that are needed. ICTs would help in ensuring cost effective services, reducing fragmentation, and favouring integrated social services. This will be, no doubt, a multi-faceted and complex process, but there are choices that can make a difference in maximizing the potential that ICT, s can bring: An adequate leading role of public authorities and institutions at different territorial levels; a full involvement of all relevant stakeholders in a framework of reinforced and changing relationships; and a strategic outcome-based approach, supported by evidence-outcomes will contribute to unleash this potential. This article analyses, based on relevant successful experiences, some of the major interactions involved in the development and translation of enabling-ICTs to the fulfilment of social policy objectives.


2012 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 117-142 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joris Schapendonk

Abstract Contemporary African migration to the European Union (EU) is triggered by global interconnectedness, but at the same time it is opposed by the hard borders of the EU. As a consequence, sub-Saharan African migrants often undertake fragmented and dangerous journeys to the North. These journeys are mainly discussed with regard to the rather linear notion of transit migration (as if migrants depart, go through a transit phase and settle afterwards). In this paper I take a different perspective by approaching migrants’ journeys as open and dynamic phenomena that evolve ‘en route’. I present an analytical lens that takes different mobilities (of people, goods, information, etc.) as the starting point to investigate these migration journeys. With this mobilities lens I analyze in detail three trajectories of African migrants who are moving to the EU. In order to avoid a simple ‘everything is mobile’ argument, I subsequently explore the role of the geographical concept of ‘place’ in the facilitation of these migration journeys. I thereby take into account places as geographical localities as well as migrants’ places in their social networks. Finally, I illustrate how mobilities, in turn, bring their ‘sediments’. This means that they change and give meaning to places. This reciprocal way of relating mobilities to places helps us to go beyond both individualistic and structuralistic explanations of migration.


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