scholarly journals Social Protest in Russian America

Sibirica ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 20 (3) ◽  
pp. 75-99

This article analyzes social protest in the Russian colonies in Alaska and Northern California. The main reasons for protests were the actions of the colonial administration or abuse by its representatives, along with dissatisfaction with the financial situation, rules, conditions, and remuneration for labor, as well as shortages of commodities and food for a considerable part of the population of the Russian colonies. Protest activity in Russian America was relatively insignificant, and its primary forms were complaints, minor economic sabotage, and desertion. Most protest acts took place during the 1790s–1800s, when the colonial system was formed, and exploitation of dependent natives and Russian promyshlenniki (hired hunters of fur-bearing animals) reached its peak. The representatives of the Russian-American Company who managed Alaska from 1799 on tried to block protest activity and not allow open displays of dissatisfaction, since the result could hinder trade, business, and finally, profits and its image in the eyes of the tsar’s authorities.

Author(s):  
Monideepa Tarafdar ◽  
Deepa Kajal Ray

Contemporary social media fueled social protest is self-organized, rapidly dynamic, and decentralized, constitutes vast populations, and is shaped by multiple and concurrent channels of information flows. Such protest activity is captured in the concept of social protest cycles, which are short periods of intense and contentious protest activity characterized by temporal dynamics, a large repertoire of protest action, confrontation and potential violence, and possible institutional action. Social protest cycles are the microfoundations of long-term social movements. They contain the seeds of potential societal transformation because their intense collective action can be constructively harnessed toward change. This paper examines the role of social media in social protest cycles. Drawing from the theoretical concept of sociomaterial assemblages, we conceptualize the social media enabled social protest cycle as an assemblage having social (e.g., people, elected leaders, police, judges) and technical (e.g., social media applications, online petition applications) components. We analyze how the social protest cycle transforms through performative intra-actions. The empirical context for the study is a social media enabled social protest cycle that emerged after a fatal rape incident in New Delhi, India. Data pertaining to the social protest cycle over the period December 17–25, 2012, were collected from social media activity on Twitter, Facebook, YouTube, online blogs, and newspaper websites. Through mixed methods analysis we identify three intra-actions, consolidation, expansion, and intensification, and theorize how they transform the social protest cycle over time. The paper contributes to the information systems literature that studies social media–enabled social protest action. As theoretical contributions, it develops (1) the notion of intra-actions as organizing mechanisms and (2) a relational ontology for social media–enabled social protest action. Through these contributions, we suggest that the power of social media lies in its socially produced and emergent relationships with other entities in the social protest cycle.


2021 ◽  
Vol 128 ◽  
pp. 01033
Author(s):  
Alexander Vatoropin ◽  
Sergey Vatoropin ◽  
Natalya Chevtaeva

The article examines the political and social protest activity of Yekaterinburg youth in 2017-2021. The protest performances of youth in the framework of all-Russian protest actions and actions, conditioned by the local socio-political agenda, are analyzed. The external and internal factors of activating the protest potential of youth and its transformation into street actions are characterized. Based on the analysis of resonant cases and a secondary analysis of the results of sociological research conducted among the youth of Yekaterinburg in 2017-2021, the most significant factors in activating the protest potential are identified. The conclusion is made about the formation of a certain political culture in the youth urban environment while maintaining predominantly passive (conventional) forms of protest activity, primarily on the Internet.


2013 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 141-161 ◽  
Author(s):  
Edyta Plebankiewicz ◽  
Agnieszka Leśniak

The main criterion taken into consideration when choosing a contractor is the bid price that the contractor suggests. The basis for determining such a price are the direct costs connected with works realization as well as mark-ups, mainly overhead costs and profit. Overhead costs and profit constitute a considerable part of the bid price and their improper calculation can significantly influence the financial situation of the company. In literature and in practice one can find many definitions and ways of determining overhead costs and profit. The article presents research results concerning defining and calculating overhead costs and profit by Polish contractors, carried out twice – in 2004 and 2010. They were compared with similar studies performed in other countries. The article also presents mathematical methods created by the authors, by means of which overhead costs and profit can be calculated more precisely than by the popular methods commonly employed by Polish contractors.


2016 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 8-28 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rebecca Kay LeFebvre ◽  
Crystal Armstrong

Existing literature on collective action suggests that social protest activity is often driven by structural out-group grievances. This article explores how a framework of grievance-based social movement participation applies to the digital media realm and how social media are reshaping the protest landscape. Our research looks specifically at the case of the #Ferguson Twitter storm that occurred in November 2014. During a 3-week period, over 6 million tweets were sent with the indicator #Ferguson. We examine the statistics and content of those tweets to show that the Ferguson Twitter storm was driven to an enormous volume by four key mobilizers. Tweet content included structural out-group grievances that reflect established expectations about drivers of social movements and protests. In contrast to the emphasis on violence by traditional mass media, online social movement participants emphasized peace, especially after the conflict escalated and rioting in the streets began.


2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 88-103 ◽  
Author(s):  
Irina N. Dementieva

The article analyzes the protest moods of residents of the Vologda region in the context of the development of civil activity of the population. The main trends of protest potential in various socio-demographic categories are considered, and the most significant factors affecting the formation of protest socio-political moods of the population of the region are determined. The research is based on the results of regular monitoring of public opinion conducted by the Center of the Russian Academy of Sciences in the Vologda region. It is concluded that in the period from 2008 to 2019 the protest potential of residents of the Vologda region remains at a relatively stable level. The highest indicators of potential protest activity are the categories of the population that negatively characterize the socio-economic and political situation in the country and region, are dissatisfied with their own financial situation, do not approve of the activities of government structures, and experience negative emotions. Particular attention is drawn to the significant share of potential participants in protest actions among those who demonstrate low indicators of civil participation. Protest moods do not contribute to the development of conventional activity of citizens, prevent the consolidation and solidarity of the population. In this context, the protest potential acts as a destructive form of civil activity of the population.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alex Chow ◽  
Jackson Webster ◽  
Hunter Robinson ◽  
Robert rhew ◽  
Martin Tsz-Ki Tsui ◽  
...  

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