scholarly journals How Mainstream Medias Agenda Influence the Local Newspapers Priorities?

2019 ◽  
Vol IV (I) ◽  
pp. 34-51
Author(s):  
Riaz Ghafur

Media in Pakistan varies from local to national level. This study investigates Pakistan’s two mainstream and two local newspapers contents—while taking China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) as a case study— for agenda setting patterns and influence on each other. A look at various newspapers in Pakistan suggests that every Newspaper is almost copy of its contemporaries. The main objective of the study is to highlight that mainstream media influence local media. The main significance of my study and research is to create the importance of local newspapers. The case study for this research is "China-Pakistan Economic Corridor" (CPEC), a controversial and political issue between federal and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. Methodology for this study is qualitative content analysis guided by Agenda setting theory. The analysis found the following themes, which became part of the public as well as political discourse in the ongoing debate on CPEC. It was concluded that mainstream media partially influenced the Print media agenda.

Comunicar ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 20 (40) ◽  
pp. 69-78 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shakuntala Banaji

Does the public expression and performance of shock, distress, anger, frustration and ideological disapproval of particular sorts of politics constitute a form of collective political expression from which individuals can learn about being citizens? When it comes to the expression of feelings of racial and other types of prejudice, has political correctness led to a deepening of entrenched racist beliefs with no channel for discussion? This article engages with such questions through a case study of YouTube responses to «My Tram Experience» a commuter-uploaded mobile-phone video of a racist diatribe on a tram in the UK. Using qualitative content analysis, and thematic analysis, it describes how these performed, networked and distributed moments of citizen angst demonstrate a limited but interesting range of civic engagements with and positionings towards racism, immigration, class and nationalism. For one reason or another these are not allowed to occur in other public for a such as the mainstream media or schools. The article argues that these vlogs are both a wide-ranging potentially therapeutic resource for those needing validation for their racist or anti-racist views, or for those who wish to express and garner solidarity for discomfort and pain caused by racism; they are also a significant though currently uncurated resource for citizenship education both formal and informal because of their engagements with technology, social context, emotional context and political rhetoric. ¿La manifestación pública de sentimientos de conmoción, angustia, ira, frustración y desaprobación ideológica de ciertos tipos de hacer política constituyen una forma de expresión colectiva que permiten a las personas aprender a ser ciudadanos? En expresiones de prejuicios raciales u otros, ¿es posible que la «corrección política» haya llevado a una profundización de creencias racistas arraigadas? Este artículo interpela estos interrogantes a tfravés de las respuestas en YouTube al vídeo «Mi experiencia en un tranvía», realizado por un viajero con teléfono móvil a partir de una diatriba racista ocurrida en un tranvía del Reino Unido. Tras un análisis cuantitativo de contenido y un análisis temático, se describe cómo momentos de angustia ciudadana –compartidos y distribuidos por la Red– demuestran un rango limitado y a la vez interesante de relaciones cívicas, así como posicionamientos ante el racismo, la inmigración, la clase social y el nacionalismo. Por diferentes motivos, estos posicionamientos no están presentes en otgros foros públicos como los medios y las escuelas. Se argumenta que estos videoblogs son un recurso terapéutico para aquellos que necesitan el reconocimiento de sus puntos de vista racistas o anti-racistas, o para aquellos que desean expresar o provocar solidaridad en momentos incómodos y dolorosos causados por el racismo. Además son un recurso significativo, aunque todavía no considerado, en la educación para la ciudadanía, tanto la formal como la informal, debido a sus compromisos con la tecnología, el contexto social, el contexto emocional y la retórica política.


Author(s):  
Maxwell McCombs ◽  
Sebastián Valenzuela

This chapter discusses contemporary directions of agenda-setting research. It reviews the basic concept of agenda setting, the transfer of salience from the media agenda to the public agenda as a key step in the formation of public opinion, the concept of need for orientation as a determinant of issue salience, the ways people learn the media agenda, attribute agenda setting, and the consequences of agenda setting that result from priming and attribute priming. Across the theoretical areas found in the agenda-setting tradition, future studies can contribute to the role of news in media effects by showing how agenda setting evolves in the new and expanding media landscape as well as continuing to refine agenda setting’s core concepts.


2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephan Lewandowsky ◽  
Michael Jetter ◽  
Ullrich K. H. Ecker

Abstract Social media has arguably shifted political agenda-setting power away from mainstream media onto politicians. Current U.S. President Trump’s reliance on Twitter is unprecedented, but the underlying implications for agenda setting are poorly understood. Using the president as a case study, we present evidence suggesting that President Trump’s use of Twitter diverts crucial media (The New York Times and ABC News) from topics that are potentially harmful to him. We find that increased media coverage of the Mueller investigation is immediately followed by Trump tweeting increasingly about unrelated issues. This increased activity, in turn, is followed by a reduction in coverage of the Mueller investigation—a finding that is consistent with the hypothesis that President Trump’s tweets may also successfully divert the media from topics that he considers threatening. The pattern is absent in placebo analyses involving Brexit coverage and several other topics that do not present a political risk to the president. Our results are robust to the inclusion of numerous control variables and examination of several alternative explanations, although the generality of the successful diversion must be established by further investigation.


2017 ◽  
Vol 71 (2) ◽  
pp. 482-494 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jessica T. Feezell

Conventional models of agenda setting hold that mainstream media influence the public agenda by leading audience attention, and perceived importance, to certain issues. However, increased selectivity and audience fragmentation in today’s digital media environment threaten the traditional agenda-setting power of the mass media. An important development to consider in light of this change is the growing use of social media for entertainment and information. This study investigates whether mainstream media can influence the public agenda when channeled through social media. By leveraging an original, longitudinal experiment, I test whether being exposed to political information through Facebook yields an agenda-setting effect by raising participants’ perceived importance of certain policy issues. Findings show that participants exposed to political information on Facebook exhibit increased levels of issue salience consistent with the issues shared compared with participants who were not shown political information; these effects are strongest among those with low political interest.


2016 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 30 ◽  
Author(s):  
Diogenes Lycarião ◽  
Rafael Cardoso Sampaio

The agenda-setting theory is one of the powerful study fields in communication research. Nevertheless, it is not a settled theory. Recent studies based on big data indicate seemingly contradictory results. While some findings reinforce McCombs and Shaw’s original model (i.e. the media set the public agenda), others demonstrate great power of social media to set media’s agenda, what is usually described as reverse agenda-setting. This article – based on an interactional model of agenda setting building – indicates how such results are actually consistent with each other. They reveal a complex multidirectional (and to some extent) unpredictable network of interactions that shape the public debate, which is based on different kinds of agenda (thematic or factual) and time lengths (short, medium or long terms).


2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Elle Moxely

As niche publications fill the void left by a shrinking legacy media, this comparative case study asks how the sourcing practices of journalists at the education news nonprofit Chalkbeat New York influenced news framing of early childhood education. Chalkbeat's coverage of universal pre-K rollout in New York City was compared to The New York Times and WNYC. A qualitative content analysis of 178 articles published between January 1 and December 31, 2014, found that journalists at all three news organizations quoted government sources most often. But Chalkbeat and WNYC also brought education officials into the conversation, something reporters at The New York Times did only occasionally. This might be because universal pre-K is framed as a political issue in The Times. As the Every Student Succeeds Act replaces the deeply unpopular mandates of No Child Left Behind, this comparative case study points to the need for education reporters who are subject matter experts capable of translating jargon and policy for their audience.


2015 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 107
Author(s):  
Resul Sinani

The usage of social media by Kosovar politicians is almost absolute. Politicians of all levels have their accounts on Facebook as well as other social networks. They use those for various reasons, starting from contacting the voters and supporters during the election campaigns as well as during the time they are in the office, up to presenting their stands and ideas that have do with different issues of public interest. For many of them, especially for low-level politicians the social media, mainly Facebook, have become the only place where they express themselves, since they find it almost impossible to become a part of the traditional media, especially of those on the national level, like newspapers, radio or television. Whereas for high-leveled politicians, concretely the heads of main institutions like the prime-minister, the head of parliament or the president, who refuse to be interviewed and be present in political shows where they could face questions from the journalists or the public, they are using Facebook statements in order to avoid direct questions from the journalists about the political subjects of the day. By making it impossible for them to take direct answers through their journalists the traditional media (newspapers, radio, TV) have to quote the posts that the politicians are making on Facebook. The kosovar journalists and the heads of media see this tendency of politicians, especially of the prime minister as the lack of transparency, avoidance of accountability, control of information and setting the agenda of the media. This paper attempts to argument the hypothesis that the high level politicians, the heads of main state institutions in Kosovo are controlling the information in traditional media through the usage of social media. In order to argument this hypothesis as a case study we have taken the Kosovar (ex)PM Hashim Thaçi whose almost every status and update has been quoted by the media. We have also interviewed journalists and editors of Kosovar media houses who have expressed their thoughts about the subject, while supporting the hypothesis of this paper.


2013 ◽  
Vol 23 ◽  
pp. 96-109 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marisa Torres da Silva

The Internet has created new “dialogical spaces” (Oblak, 2005) where issues of common concern can be discussed, serving to democratize the public sphere. As a potential deliberative section and a civic forum, readers’ comments in newspapers’ websites constitute a locus for public debate and ideas exchange provided by the mainstream media. As a case study, this article intends to assess the quality of audience participation in online news sites, by analysing the readers’ comments in the news about the Brazilian presidential campaign (September-November 2010) in the online versions of two Portuguese newspapers.


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