scholarly journals Archaeology and the ancient names of the old cities under Sulaimani in the light of the cuneiform & Classical records and the archaeological evidence

Twejer ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 589-628
Author(s):  
Dilshad Aziz Marif ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Far East ◽  
The Other ◽  
Capital City ◽  
Alexander The Great ◽  
The Road ◽  
North East ◽  
The North ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
The Village ◽  
The City

This paper deals with the ancient settlements in the plain where the city of Sulaimani found in 1874 A.D. In his book (Babylonian Problems) Lane (1923) proposes that modern Sulaimani built on the long-lost city of Celonae that was mentioned by the Roman historian Quintus Curtius Rufus (1st century A.D.) in his book "Histories of Alexander the Great.” Also, the Kurdish historian Amin Zeki in his book (The History of Sulaimani)1951, agrees with Lane, and he suggests that the name of modern Sulaimani’s name perhaps derived from the same name of Celonae. Many other historians and archaeologists repeat the same identification. In this paper, we investigated this identification, and we found that the city of Celonae was mentioned only once by the Roman historian Quintus Curtius Rufus (1st century A.D.) in his book "Histories of Alexander the Great,” he refers to the journey of Alexander the Great from Susa to Ekbatana, according to Rufus, on his way, Alexander camped in Celonae. We suggest a new identification for the Celonae Town in the northern edges of Garmian district at the foot or on the top of one of the mountains of the modern Qaradagh ranges, because, Alexander took the road from Susa to the north then east crossing the city of Sittake on the Tigris near Celucia/al-Madain, then moving to other cities along the road to the direction of the north-east, camped in Celonae, then moved to the east and reached Bagastana (Behistun) and after wards to Ecbatana, the capital of the Median Empire in (modern Hamadan). We found also, that the Assyrian royal inscriptions refer to a mountain called Siluna, the Assyrian king Adad-Narari III (811-783 B.C.) in his campaign on Namri and Media, after crossing the Lower Zab toward the east, first he mentions the mountain Siluna, where the sun rises, then he occupied Namri and crossed the other lands in the east to reach Media, and since Namri was the land of the Kassites (in the post-Kassite period) located in the area of Sangaw-Garmian-Qaradagh-Bamo ranges, we can conclude that the mountain Siluna and the city Celonae were located in the same place somewhere in Qaradagh ranges. In the base of the above-mentioned evidence, we can reject the previous identification of Celonai with modern Sulaimani. On the other hand, in this paper we discussed other identifications of modern Sulaimani with ancient cities and towns mentioned in the cuneiform records, for instance, Radner (2017), suggests that the Zamuan capital city of Arrakdi of the Lullubu people located under modern Sulaimani, but this is not a proper identification, because the city of Arrakdi was mentioned in the cuneiform records three times, and in all records they refer to the point that the city located beyond a roughed mountain, the Annals of Ashurnasirpal II refers that the city located at the foot of the roughed mountain Lara, and this mountain should be modern Lare mountain in the east of Shabazher district far east from modern Sulaimani. Also, the cuneiform tablet that was discovered in Sitak in Sharbazher district and that tablet also refers to Arrakdi. Also, we found that Spiser linked the village of Uluba (Ulubulagh) now it is a district in the southern east of Sulaimani, with the Lullubian City of Lagalaga, this identification only based on the similarities between the two toponyms. On the other hand, Abdulraqeeb Yusuf, suggests that the old village of Daragha, which is now a district in the eastern part of Sulaimani derived from the Zamuan city Dagara of the Lullubies, this identification also not appropriate one, because the village and district named after the name of a nobleman called Mr. Dara Agha, and there is no archaeological ruin in this district as well. The city of Sulaimani was built on an area where a huge archaeological Gird/Tell existed, the Babanian princes built their palace on this artificial hill and the administrative buildings to the east of it, when they dug for the foundations, they discovered coins, a stone with unknown script, and many jars, some of them big jars contained human skulls. In 2005, when the modern building Kaso Mall constructed on the northwest of the hill, we found two seals date back to Jamdet-Naser = Nineveh V period, and Ubaid potsherds, and some bull skulls, their horns cut with a sharp instrument. This evidence indicate that the city was built on a settlement date back to the 5th-4th millennium B.C. Other archaeological discoveries in Girdi Kunara and Girdi De Kon in the western part of the city at the bank of Qiliasan and Tanjero rivers, in Kunara many cuneiform tablets discovered there, we can link these sites also with the Lullubies in the third & second millennium B.C.

Amarna: Urban Manufacture of Luxury Items

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anna K. Hodgkinson
Keyword(s):  
Far East ◽  
Ancient Egypt ◽  
Capital City ◽  
North West ◽  
Far North ◽  
The Core ◽  
The North ◽  
The Far East ◽  
Royal Road ◽  
The City

Little is necessary in terms of an introduction, since Amarna is one of the best-known settlements of ancient Egypt. The city was founded by pharaoh Amenhotep IV, known from his fifth regal year as Akhenaten, on his move away from Thebes and Memphis to found a new religious and administrative capital city. Akhenaten reigned approximately between 1348 and 1331 BC, and his principal wife was Nefertiti. Akhenaten’s direct successor appears to have been a figure named Smenkhare (or Ankhkheperure) who was married to Akhenaten’s daughter Meritaten. Like Nefertiti, Smenkhare/Ankhkheperure held the throne name Nefernefruaten. For this reason it is uncertain whether this individual was Nefertiti, who may have reigned for some years after the death of Akhenaten, possibly even with a brief co-regency, or whether this was a son or younger brother of the latter. The rule of Smenkhare/Ankhkheperure was short, and he or she was eventually succeeded by Tutankhamun. The core city of Amarna was erected on a relatively flat desert plain surrounded by cliffs on the east bank of the Nile, in Middle Egypt, approximately 60km south of the modern city of Minia, surrounded by the villages et- Till to the north and el-Hagg Qandil to the south. The site was defined by at least sixteen boundary stelae, three of which actually stand on the western bank, past the edge of the modern cultivation. In total, the city measures 12.5km north–south on the east bank between stelae X and J, and c.8.2km west–east between the projected line between stelae X and J and stela S to the far east, which also indicates approximately the longitude of the royal tomb. The distance between stelae J and F, to the far south-west, measures c.20km, and between stelae X and A, to the far north-west 19.2km. The core city, which is the part of the settlement examined in this section, was erected along the Nile, on the east bank, and it is defined by the ‘Royal Road’, a major thoroughfare running through the entire core city north–south.

IV. Sovereignty Over Pulau Ligitan and Pulau Sipadan (Indonesia V Malaysia), Merits, Judgment of 17 December

2003 ◽  
Vol 52 (3) ◽  
pp. 797-802
Author(s):  
Malcom D Evans ◽  
JG Merrills
Keyword(s):  
East Coast ◽  
Scuba Diving ◽  
The Other ◽  
Small Islands ◽  
North East ◽  
The North ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
International Court

On 17 December 2002 the International Court gave its judgment in a dispute over two small islands in the Celebes Sea claimed by both Indonesia and Malaysia. The islands in question, Ligitan and Sipadan, are located off the north-east coast of Borneo and lie approximately 15.5 nautical miles apart. Both are very small and Ligitan is uninhabited; Sipadan, on the other hand, was developed by Malaysia into a tourist resort for scuba diving in the 1980s. In 1998 Indonesia and Malaysia referred the dispute to the Court by means of a Special Agreement, asking for a decision ‘on the basis of the treaties, agreements and any other evidence furnished by the Parties’ on whether sovereignty over the islands belonged to Indonesia or to Malaysia.

scholarly journals Kos Astypalaia

1898 ◽  
Vol 4 ◽  
pp. 95-100
Author(s):  
Duncan Mackenzie
Keyword(s):  
The Other ◽  
Mountain Region ◽  
The South ◽  
North West ◽  
North East ◽  
The North ◽  
South West ◽  
The Village

From the modern town of Kos, on the site of the ancient capital at the north-east extremity of the island, to the village of Kephalos at the southwest end is a ride of eight hours.The village stands on a chalky plateau which beyond the isthmus marks the beginning of the mountain district of south-west Kos. This in turn is a repetition on a smaller scale of the mountain region, at the other end of the island, which forms the lofty termination to the long central tableland. The highest points of the mountain district are towards the south-east where the fall to the sea is very rapid. The highest neighbouring peak, Mount Ziní, is about an hour distant from the village in a south-easterly direction, while all that lies to the north-west of the main range is high pastoral country with many torrent beds.

The City Walls of Nicaea

Antiquity ◽  
1938 ◽  
Vol 12 (48) ◽  
pp. 437-443 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alfons Maria Schneider
Keyword(s):  
Fruit Trees ◽  
North East ◽  
The North ◽  
The Earth ◽  
Long Sleep ◽  
Water Courses ◽  
The Village ◽  
The City ◽  
The Town ◽  
Subterranean Water

The village of İznik, north-east of Brussa, and far from all traderoutes, is today the mere ghost of what was once an important city. It is quite hidden within the ancient circumvallation, and occupies scarcely a third of the former area of the town. The wall itself, one of -the most impressive and best-preserved Byzantine monuments of Asia Minor, forms an irregular polygon (plan, FIG. I). The lacus Ascanius washes it on the west, while the other sides are bordered by a green, well-wooded plain, gradually giving place on the north-east to the slopes of Elmali dagh. A charming view of the village and walls can be abtained from a small knoll about 300 metres east of the city, with the lake shimmering in the distance and the fields shaded with cypresses, planes, walnut and other fruit-trees. The description of Catullus still holds good (Nicaeaeque ager uber aestuosae, 46.5): nature here is inexhaustible, and gives in abundance of the finest fruits to anyone who tills the earth. From May to October the weather is nearly always good, and in the height of summer the heat can be unbearable. Certainly the air is no longer pure and healthy as it was in Byzantine days; neglected water-courses and pools of subterranean water have brought malaria in their train. Nor is the sea alive with boats, for there is no fishing. Yet within recent years an improvement has taken place in those conditions which gave older travellers reason for feeling melancholy or annoyance, and it begins to look as if the village were slowly awakening from its long sleep.

The East Tomb and other Tomb Buildings at Balboura

1993 ◽  
Vol 43 ◽  
pp. 41-68 ◽  
Author(s):  
C. H. Hallett ◽  
J. J. Coulton
Keyword(s):  
Similar Type ◽  
The Other ◽  
Asia Minor ◽  
Original Form ◽  
Simple Design ◽  
North East ◽  
The North ◽  
Lower Chamber ◽  
Splendid Isolation ◽  
The City

To the north east of Balboura, on the far side of the stream-bed, lie the ruins of an imposing tomb (see Fig. 1), the largest and most elaborate so far discovered in the area. Built directly on and partly into the hillside, the building was oriented to look straight across the valley towards the city (orientation: 27° E of true north—see Fig. 2; i.e. the tomb faces approx. SSW); and apparently it stood in splendid isolation, at some distance from the other tombs of the northern necropolis, and on somewhat higher ground. The remains of another tomb of similar type, but of smaller dimensions, can be seen across the valley in the neighbouring cemetery; and a third faces the city from the slopes to the south.Although at first sight there seems to be little of the building left in place Pl. 1 (a, b); Fig. 2), enough remains for us to be fairly sure of its original form. It was built on two levels: above, standing on a stepped podium, a monumental building designed to house large stone sarcophagi—a structure most often described in inscriptions throughout Asia. Minor as a heroön (and for convenience so designated here); and below, within the podium, a lower chamber or crypt, often referred to in inscriptions as a hyposorion, normally intended for the various dependants of those entombed above. The building was constructed from the local white limestone; and while certainly the most ambitious sepulchral monument yet known from Balboura, it shows a relatively simple design, and the same rather rough-and-ready workmanship as the other buildings of the site.

The Pisidian Survey 1995: Panemoteichos and Ören Tepe

1997 ◽  
Vol 47 ◽  
pp. 141-172 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sabri Aydal ◽  
Stephen Mitchell ◽  
Thurstan Robinson ◽  
Lutgarde Vandeput
Keyword(s):  
Local Community ◽  
The Other ◽  
Ancient Greek ◽  
Roman Army ◽  
Southern Boundary ◽  
North East ◽  
The North ◽  
The Hill ◽  
The Village ◽  
Standing Problem

The site of the southern Pisidian city of Panemoteichos was located by a fortunate discovery in 1993. Excavations to lay the foundations of a new mosque at Boğazköy, a village close to the southern boundary of Burdur vilayet one kilometre east of the Burdur-Antalya highway, exposed a quantity of cut limestone blocks and two Greek inscriptions, one a dedication to the emperor Septimius Severus, the other a mid 3rd century A.D. statue base in honour of C. Iulius Sempronius Visellius, who had served in the Roman army and risen to become high-priest of the emperors in his local community, which the text named as ὁ δῆμοs ὁ Πανεμοτειχειτῶν. Four fragments of the statue itself, including the head, were also recovered. The find thus resolved a long-standing problem of Pisidian topography. Panemoteichos was located at the north-east edge of the highland valley (ancient Greek aulôn), which begins at the narrow pass traversed by the modern highway (the boğaz of Boğazköy) and extends to the Çubuk boğaz to the south (see map, Fig. 1). At the same time a rapid reconnaissance of the hill east of the village revealed fortifications and numerous other remains of an ancient settlement (Pl. XVII a).

scholarly journals XXIX.—Note on Saxon and other Remains discovered at and near Mentmore, in the County of Buckingham. By Frederic Ouvry, Esq., F.S.A.; in a Letter to J. Y. Akerman, Esq., Secretary

Archaeologia ◽  
1854 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 379-382
Author(s):  
Frederic Ouvry
Keyword(s):  
Irregular Shape ◽  
The Road ◽  
North East ◽  
The North ◽  
Domesday Book ◽  
The Hill ◽  
The Village ◽  
Edward The Confessor ◽  
The Church ◽  
North Western

The village of Mentmore stands about eight miles north-east from Aylesbury, four miles from Leighton Buzzard, and one mile and a half from the Cheddington Station, on the London and North-Western Railway. It is situated on a hill, which rises somewhat abruptly from the Vale of Aylesbury. The hill is of irregular shape, throwing out three spurs; on one of which, stretching to the westward, stands the church, and along another, towards the north-east, is the road to Leighton Buzzard. It is a small rural parish, scarcely known by name till the Baron M. A. de Rothschild established his stag-hounds there. I cannot trace the name beyond Domesday Book. The manor is there stated to have belonged to the fair Edith (Eddeva Pulchra), the wife of King Edward the Confessor, and as then belonging to Earl Hugh. The manor subsequently passed through the families of Bussell, Zouche of Harringworth, Bray, Ligoe, Hamilton (Viscount Limerick), and Harcourt, to the present possessor, the Baron M. A. de Rothschild.

scholarly journals XXXIX. The lignites and clays of Bovey Tracey, Devonshire

1862 ◽  
Vol 152 ◽  
pp. 1019-1038 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Far East ◽  
Left Bank ◽  
The South ◽  
North East ◽  
The North ◽  
South West ◽  
North Eastern ◽  
The Village ◽  
Western Portion ◽  
North Western

The little town or village of Bovey Tracey, in Devonshire, nestles at the foot of Dartmoor, very near its north-eastern extremity; it is situated on the left bank of the river Bovey, about two miles and a half above the point at which it falls into the Teign, and is about eleven miles from each of the towns Exeter, Torquay, and Totnes*,—bearing south-westerly from the first, north-westerly from the second, and northerly from the last. A considerable plain stretches away from it in a south-easterly direction, having a length of six miles from a point about a mile west of Bovey to another nearly as far east of Newton; its greatest breadth, from Chudleigh Bridge on the north-east to Blackpool on the south-west, is four miles. It forms a lake-like expansion of the valleys of the Teign and Bovey rivers, especially the latter, whose course it may be said to follow in the higher part, where it is most fully developed; whilst the Teign constitutes its axis below the junction of the two streams. Its upper, or north-western portion, immediately adjacent to the village, is known as “Bovey Heathfield,” and measures about 700 acres.

A Double-ended Rostro-Carinate Flint Implement

1929 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 76-78
Author(s):  
J. Reid Moir
Keyword(s):  
East Coast ◽  
The Other ◽  
Atmospheric Effects ◽  
Running Water ◽  
North East ◽  
The North ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
East And West

The object of this paper is to describe and to figure accurately a remarkable double-ended rostro-carinate flint implement found by me during this year (1929) upon the north-east coast of Norfolk. The discovery was made upon the foreshore about mid-way between East and West Run ton, where at low water there are exposed considerable areas of the Basement Bed, resting upon the chalk, and referable to either the lowermost division of the Cromer Forest Bed or to the Stone Bed beneath the Norwich Crag. The implement was not found in situ in the Basement Bed, but was lying, with other stones, close to an exposure of this deposit. Apart, also, from this association, the specimen contains, in some of its interstices, portions of the highly ferruginous sand of the Basement Bed, while its colour and condition make it clear to those who are familiar with the stones in this deposit, that the implement at one time—and that recently—formed a part of it. The implement exhibits a typical mottled colouration consisting of areas of black, tawny brown and chocolate brown, while its ridges and outstanding portions show in most cases a rounded and somewhat broken-down appearance, which may be due to attrition by water-rolling, but which I am inclined to regard, as I have stated elsewhere, is to be accounted for by the action of some solvent present in the Basement Bed. The specimen exhibits but few incipient cones of percussion upon its flaked surfaces (which show a well-marked glaze), and cannot, therefore, have been subjected to collisions with other stones set in movement by running water. On the other hand a certain number of striae are to be observed upon the flake-scars of the implement, and these scratches not only, as it appears, cut into the patinated surfaces, but are in a weathered-out condition, thus showing that the flint was first patinated, then striated, and afterwards exposed to atmospheric effects.

scholarly journals O COMPLEXO VIÁRIO ULISSES DE GÓIS E SUAS IMPLICAÇÕES NO ESPAÇO URBANO DA ZONA NORTE DE NATAL/RN

2017 ◽  
Vol 3 (9) ◽  
pp. 238
Author(s):  
Iapony Rodrigues Galvão
Keyword(s):  
Urban Space ◽  
Field Research ◽  
Capital City ◽  
Motor Vehicles ◽  
Transit System ◽  
The Road ◽  
The North ◽  
El Sistema ◽  
The Impact ◽  
The City

THE ULISSES DE GÓIS VIALE COMPLEX AND ITS IMPLICATIONS IN THE URBAN AREA OF THE NORTH OF NATAL ZONE/ RNEL COMPLEJO VIARIO ULISSES DE GÓIS Y SUS IMPLICACIONES EN EL ESPACIO URBANO DE LA ZONA NORTE DE NATAL/RNO complexo viário Ulisses de Góis localizado na porção Norte da capital potiguar é composto pela Ponte Ulisses de Góis, mais conhecida como Ponte de Igapó, a qual foi, durante mais de três décadas, a única ligação entre a porção Norte com o restante da cidade e pelo Viaduto Ulisses de Góis, concluído em 2002, o qual interliga a Ponte de Igapó com outras relevantes artérias desta Zona administrativa natalense. Com a construção deste último componente viário, ocorreram profundas dinâmicas no sistema de trânsito não somente da Zona Norte como o da capital potiguar. Desta forma, a presente pesquisa visou compreender a influência do complexo viário nas dinâmicas impostas no sistema de trânsito e nas próprias configurações urbanas da capital potiguar e as possíveis melhorias (ou não) trazidas por esta obra viária para a fluência dos veículos automotores. Assim, através de pesquisas bibliográficas e pesquisas de campo realizada com a aplicação de questionários estruturados a usuários e moradores da área em questão, observou-se que, apesar de considerável parcela dos usuários (48%) afirmarem que ocorreu significativa melhoria no trânsito da zona Norte com a construção do Viaduto Ulisses de Góis, uma parcela não menos importante (37%) considera que o impacto da construção do viaduto para a fluidez do trânsito fora insignificante, pois a construção do viaduto não contribuiu para a resolução dos problemas de circulação de veículos. Percebeu-se, assim, que se torna necessário dotar a cidade de um planejamento voltado para a sua realidade, objetivando aumentar ainda mais a fluidez do trânsito na capital potiguar, através de medidas como o incremento do transporte de massa, possibilitando ainda mais a mobilidade urbana e, assim, constituindo uma cidade mais justa e igualitária para todos os natalenses.Palavras-chave: Espaço Urbano; Complexo Viário; Trânsito.ABSTRACTThe Ulisses de Góis road complex located in the northern part of the capital of potiguar is made up of the Ulisses de Góis Bridge, better known as the Igapó Bridge, which for more than three decades was the only link between the North and the rest of the city and by the Ulisses de Góis Viaduct, completed in 2002, which connects the Igapó Bridge with other relevant arteries of this natal Administrative Zone. With the construction of this last road component, there were profound dynamics in the transit system, not only in the Northern Zone, but also in the capital city. In this way, the present research aimed to understand the influence of the road complex on the dynamics imposed on the transit system and on the urban configurations of the capital of potiguar and the possible improvements (or not) brought by this highway work for the fluency of motor vehicles. Thus, through bibliographic research and field research carried out with the application of structured questionnaires to users and residents of the area in question, it was observed that, despite a considerable portion of users (48%), they affirmed that there was a significant improvement in the area's traffic (37%) considered that the impact of the construction of the viaduct to traffic flow was insignificant, since the construction of the viaduct did not contribute to the vehicles. It was realized, therefore, that it is necessary to endow the city with a planning focused on its reality, aiming to increase even more the flow of traffic in the capital of potiguar, through measures such as the increase of mass transport, making possible even more mobility urban and, thus, being a fairer and egalitarian city for all natalians.Keywords: Urban Space; Road Complex; Traffic.RESUMENEl complejo vial Ulisses de Góis ubicado en la porción Norte de la capital potiguar está compuesto por el Puente Ulisses de Góis, más conocido como Puente de Igapó, el cual fue durante más de tres décadas la única conexión entre la porción Norte con el resto de la ciudad y por el Viaducto Ulisses de Góis, concluido en 2002, el que interconecta el Puente de Igapó con otras relevantes arterias de esta Zona administrativa natalense. Con la construcción de este último componente viario, ocurrieron profundas dinámicas en el sistema de tránsito, no solamente en la Zona Norte como el de la capital potiguar. De esta forma, la presente investigación pretendió comprender la influencia del complejo vial en las dinámicas impuestas en el sistema de tránsito y en las propias configuraciones urbanas de la capital potiguar, y las posibles mejoras (o no) traídas por esta obra vial para la fluencia de los vehículos automotores. Por lo tanto, a través de investigaciones bibliográficas e investigaciones de campo, realizada con la aplicación de cuestionarios estructurados a usuarios y residentes del área en cuestión, se observó que: a pesar de la considerable proporción de los usuarios (48%) que afirman que ocurrió una significativa mejora en el tránsito de la zona, en el norte con la construcción del Viaducto Ulisses de Góis, una parte no menos importante (37%), considera que el impacto de la construcción del viaducto para la fluidez del tránsito fue insignificante, pues no contribuyó a la resolución de los problemas de circulación de los vehículos. Se percibió, que se hace necesario dotar a la ciudad de una planificación volcada hacia su realidad, con el objetivo de aumentar aún más la fluidez del tránsito en la capital potiguar, a través de medidas como el incremento del transporte de masa, posibilitando aún más la movilidad urbana y, así, constituyendo una ciudad más justa e igualitaria para todos los natalenses.Palabras clave: Espacio Urbano; Complejo Vial; Tráfico.

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